JULY 17, 1864
The Republic of Jones.
county of Jones, in the State of Mississippi, through which Leaf River
and Tallahala run without bringing much fertility with them, is known
for the poverty of its soil and the independence of its people. In our
young days it was called the “Free State of Jones,” from the absence
of any “human chattels” or any other property restraints upon its
people. They were wholly indifferent to the judgments of the courts, for
they had no jail, except a log-pen without a lock to its door or a roof
upon it, and as for pecuniary penalties, they defied them.
heard last year, indeed, that Jones had seceded from the Confederacy,
and that they had quite a force guarding their territory against all
incursion. We had supposed that by this time they had been reduced to
terms, but learn, by the following correspondence in the Natchez Courier,
that the republic still maintains its independence. The editor of the Courier,
who a year ago was at Jackson, Miss., says:
men were frequently reporting to the commanding officer at that post,
and when asked where they hailed from, their reply was that they had
been taken prisoners in Jones county and paroled. As conclusive of this
fact, they generally exhibited a parole, written upon birch bark–paper
being scarce in that county. They also represented an organized
community in Jones, determined to resist the Confederate conscript act.
An armed force was sent against them, and we had all this time supposed
that the little Jones Democracy had been broken up, but our
correspondent writes different. He represents the people in the height
of prosperity, and their army and navy complete, seeking to cultivate
and enjoy the arts of peace. We are not of those who believe the
Republic of Jones can long survive. What the Confederates do not absorb,
owing to its interior location, will not be worth much to anyone.
correspondent says that the Confederacy has declared war against the
republic, and sent an army under Col. Maury from Mobile “to crush the
rebellion.” The Republic, which has a regular government both civil
and military, immediately prepared to act on the defensive, raising an
army under the command of Major Robinson, commander-in-chief of the
armies of the Republic of Jones. The belligerents met; a desperate
battle ensured, in which the armies of the new republic were victorious,
having killed, wounded and captured many of the Confederates–the
remainder, under their gallant commander, ingloriously fled.
following is a copy of a dispatch sent by the commander-in-chief of the
forces to his Honor the Secretary of War for the Republic of Jones:
Forces of the Republic,
In the Field, Jan. 27, 1864.
the Hon. A. C. Williams, Secretary of War:
met the forces of the invader on the evening of the 26th inst., at Cross
Roads. After an engagement of eight hours duration we broke his centre,
when he fled in confusion; on the field we captured many prisoners and
several pieces of artillery. Our loss was slight.
have the honor to be, respectfully
this hard-fought battle an armistice was made. Ministers were appointed
to confer with the “so-called Confederate States.” Propositions for
peace were entered into, but declined by the Confederate States. A
cartel for exchange of prisoners was offered by the Republic, which was
also declined. All prospects of an
amicable adjustment ceased, the Ministers of the Republic returned to
their capital to fully convinced that the Republic had no alternative
but to prepare for war. Their Congress having met, a lengthy debate took
place, the question in debate: “Propositions to form an alliance with
the United States,” which was opposed by Mr. Billing, on the ground
that the position of the United States in regard to the question of
secession had been clearly defined in her war with the “so-called
Confederate States.” ->
at once declared that it would be a useless expenditure of time. An act
was unanimously passed ordering all persons, male and female, who denied
their inalienable right of secession, to leave the republic at once, on
pain of being punished as a spy.
provisions having been made for the exchange of prisoners, they were
paroled. The following is a true copy of a parole:
Forces of the Republic,
February 2, 1864.
Ben Johnston, do solemnly swear that I will not aid or assist the
enemies of said republic in any way whatsoever during the war, unless
sooner discharged. So help me God.
and subscribed before me this 2d day of February, 1864,
Armstrong, Captain and
A. A. G.
many this may seem highly wrought, but nevertheless it is true. Numbers
of deserters having congregated in the swamps of Jones county,
determined to form a government for themselves. Col. Maury with a force
was sent to disband them, but they fought desperately, and in their
strongholds defied the colonel and his forces, killing and wounding and
capturing many of his men.
the Free State of Jones yet maintains its ancient independence.1
The Kearsarge and Alabama.
Alabama an English vessel.
is a mistake to call this Alabama
a Confederate vessel. In the accounts we give from the London Times
and the London News, it is
openly admitted that the Alabama
was an English vessel, manned by English seamen, and armed with English
guns; and that moreover, she was especially prepared to fight with the Kearsarge, and that trained gunners from the English practicing ship
Excellent were put on board of
her to help destroy the American vessel. From the tone of the English
press it is evident that they regard it as a blow to their own naval
power, and resent it as such.
Alabama was fairly beaten by
the superior guns of the American vessel and the greater skill of her
crew. It is gratifying, in addition to the fact that we are rid of the Alabama,
to know that in a fair contest with a British vessel, a United States
ship-of-war still maintains its supremacy.
following characteristic telegram has been received in Liverpool from an
officer who was saved by the Deerhound:
Alabama was in first-rate
trim. We have been deceived in the Kearsarge. Work hot and heavy, but
weight of d----d metal of Kearsarge too much. Her shots went slap
through below the water line. Hell could not stand it. Yankee far too
fast for Semmes, who held hi man too cheap.”
MACON DAILY TELEGRAPH (GA)
there ever was a glorious opportunity presented before to the
Confederate army to annihilate the invading forces of our enemy, that
opportunity now presents itself, and only requires bold and decisive
action for the consummation of a brilliant success. Situated as Sherman
is at present, his danger is imminent. He is now three hundred miles
from his base of operation, in a country hostile to his army, and barren
of resources wherewith to support the large force under his command. A
brief view of the “situation” will develop the precariousness of his
position and show the advantages we would possess of crushing him, if
the movements of our army are characterized by daring and decision.
Chattanooga–Sherman’s depot of supplies–to the Chattahoochee river
is one hundred and thirty-one miles by the Western and Atlantic
Railroad. It is a matter of impossibility for the Federals to guard
effectually so long a route without depleting their main body to an
alarming degree. This Sherman has not, and will not do, consequently
only the bridges are guarded, and there may possibly be small bodies of
cavalry scouring the country in search of guerrillas. The railroad is
the only source of supply for the Federal army, for it is not to be
expected that wagons could convey enough provisions from Chattanooga to
supply its wants. Such a supposition would be simply ridiculous, as it
is evident that a wagon could scarcely be able to haul enough corn for
its team of mules. If such is then the case, and no one will deny it,
why is not the road effectually destroyed? It can be done without any
extraordinary difficulty. Eight or ten thousand well mounted cavalrymen
could destroy the railroad bridges with but little danger to themselves.
When we say destroy the railroad, we mean, do it effectually, tear up
the track and cross-ties, pile the iron on wood and set the wood on
fire. The road would then become useless and fresh iron would have to be
obtained from the North before the damage could be repaired. In the
meantime what could Sherman do? Could he remain in his present position?
No! It is not feasible to suppose that he could. To save his army from starvation
he would be necessitated to retreat
and the grand invasion of Georgia would be ended in disaster to the
position is precarious. He knows it, and knowing, is surprised that no
effort has yet been made to destroy his communications. He looks
anxiously to his rear, expecting every moment to hear the sound of
hostile cannon resounding from Dalton to the Etowah; but days have
merged into weeks, and weeks into months, without the serenity of the
Federals being disturbed. An excess of caution is worse than
precipitancy, for with the former we lose advantage, while with the
latter we only anticipate them. The one is more dangerous than the other
in this instance, for if we take the two armies–Johnston’s and
Sherman’s–we may find it so. Sherman has precipitately followed us
from Dalton, until he is almost in sight of Atlanta. The goal of his
campaign is in sight. Will we fall back any further? Will not doing so
be an excess of caution? We
only ask the question without giving any opinion, and on Gen. Johnston
we depend for its solution. One thing, however, we will say, Sherman’s
position is a dangerous one, and if we take advantage of it, neither his
army or himself will ever enter Atlanta, save as prisoners of war. But
Gen. Johnston knows best. His great skill as a soldier, acknowledged
even by his enemies, will, we believe, enable him to seize all
The Present Campaigns.
the early part of April, the fourth year of the war was ushered in by a
signal victory over the army of Gen. Seymour, on the glorious field of
Olustee, in Florida. The third year of our struggle for independence had
expired amid general gloom, and apprehensions of our ability to recover
from the reverses which had befallen us were expressed by many good and
true men in our midst. From the latter part of April, 1863, to the same
month of the present year, we had met a series of disasters, unbroken,
save by the glimmer of light emitted from the successful defence of
Charleston. But even this triumph was clouded and obscured by the more
important losses we had sustained, and it is no matter of surprise that
the people were dispirited at the dark prospect before them.
this hour of national gloom, the battle and victory at Olustee came like
a beam of hope to cheer our hearts and inspire us with confidence of our
ability to retrieve the past reverses. No sooner had the sound of the
cannon in Florida cease thundering defiance to the enemy, tan its boom
was echoed from the prairies of Louisiana, and, soon after, the welcome
news came that our gallant army in the trans-Mississippi had crushed the
invading army of the enemy, and driven it in utter rout to the
protection of its gunboats. It is true that these victories could but
slightly affect the campaign which, by that time, had opened in Georgia
and Virginia; but they were links in the chain of our support and
expectations. They were accordingly regarded as indicating more glorious
events for our cause, and welcomed for their promise of further
such anticipations the people have not been disappointed. The history of
the campaigns in Virginia and Georgia are too fresh in our memory to
require recapitulation. Grant has been foiled in every effort to capture
the Confederate capital, and after sacrificing fully one hundred
thousand men in futile assaults, finds himself not only unable to
achieve his object, but sees the capital of his own people besieged by
the forces of the Confederacy. In Georgia our army has slowly fallen
back before the advance of an overwhelming force of the enemy,
inflicting severe punishment on him while making its retrograde
being necessitated to retire, by reason of the flanking policy of the
enemy, be considered a misfortune, then the retreat of General Johnston
from Dalton is the only reverse we have met with since the campaigns of
the present year opened. But we do not look at our retreat as a
misfortune. It is true we regret the necessity of having to fall back,
but now that Sherman has reached the Chattahoochee river and our army
appears to have made its last retreat, we are hopeful and confident that
victory will rest with our arms whenever a battle is fought.
in Mississippi has also added to our successes this campaign, and at
Charleston the Federals have received
decided repulse in their endeavor to take that city.
campaigns are not yet over. Grant still confronts Lee at Petersburg, and
Sherman is not yet driven from Georgia. Notwithstanding these facts, we
cannot fail to perceive in our general successes for the past four
months the hand of Providence protecting the people of the South. To His
favor are we indebted for our triumphs and on Him must we depend for a
continuance of victory.
JULY 19, 1864
BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER
Paper and Cloth from Corn Husks.
[From the National
Intelligencer, July 12.]
consumption and advancing prices have been for years admonishing paper
makers and the public of the necessity for new paper material. Straw, a
cheap material obtainable in unlimited quantities, was made available
for coarse papers; but it has only met the demand in a very
year ago or more, some specimens of paper, said to have been made from
maize-fibre, were exhibited at the rooms of the Department of
Agriculture as the product of an experiment conducted in Austria under
imperial patronage. It seems that the experiments have been persevered
in and extended.
Hon. Isaac Newton, the Commissioner of Agriculture, has just received
from Austria a package containing the most remarkable results of the
manufactures of Indian corn fibres. It embraces paper apparently equal
to the finest linen paper, and evidently superior in point of
durability. Some if it is thought to be a good substitute for parchment.
Specimens of colored paper are remarkable for their evenness and
delicacy. Tissue paper, very light and transparent, is included; tracing
and drawing papers, preferred by artists to those of English and French
manufacture; cigarette papers, black and brown; flower paper, in
beautiful colors, for the making of artificial flowers; silk paper of
several qualities–in all, sixty samples of paper, thick and thin,
white and colored, substantially useful and delicately ornamental. They
constitute a wonder of ingenuity, and illustrate the power of invention
to create new forms from common materials, and the utility of patient
effort in developing the perfection of skill in industry.
is this all. Bleached and unbleached crash, of several kinds, are
exhibited from the same material, the fibre of corn husks, (the outer
covering of the ear, called in our Southern States shucks). But perhaps
the most successful result, in heavy fabrics, is oilcloth for floors, of
which two different colors are shown, both apparently of superior
process of paper making has been for several years in development. The
spinning and weaving of maize-fibre was commenced late in 1862. Both
processes have been patented in Austria and other European countries,
and in this country.
results have been attained under the direction of Dr. Chevsher Auer de
Weisback, director of the Imperial printing establishment at Vienna, and
superintendent of the Imperial paper mills at Schloegelmuhl, Austria.
portions of the husk are converted into paper stuff, spinning stuff, or
husk meal, which is mixed with common flour. Nineteen per cent of paper
fibre, ten of spinning material, and eleven of feed stuff are obtained,
together making forty per cent, leaving a refuse of sixty per cent, much
of it fine fibre and gluten, which may be filtered and utilized.
does the invention, even in its infancy, lack the important element of
profit. An expenditure of 273,740 florins in the manufacture yielded a
gross return of 379,000 florins, and a net profit of 105,260 florins,
exclusive of rent and use of capital employed.
Pursuit of the Rebels.—The Washington correspondent of the
New York Tribune says, under
date of Sunday:
pursuit of the Rebel raiders has been abandoned, and they will probably
succeed in reaching Lynchburg with their plunder in safety, unless Gen.
___ intercepts them between Staunton and Lynchburg. Scouts report to
headquarters that the Rebel rear guard passed through Ashby’s Gap
early on Friday morning, and were making all possible haste up the
Shenandoah Valley. Persons residing near the Gap say that their train,
composed of all sorts of vehicles, and over a mile long, was filled with
with every variety of plunder.
7000 head of horses, cattle and mules, and large droves of sheep and
hogs were sent through the Gap by the Rebels previous to their retreat,
and were pastured in the meadows along the river until the withdrawal of
the main body commenced, which was early on Tuesday morning. Several
hundred wounded, in carriages and ambulances, were brought through the
Gap. Among them were one Brigadier and several Colonels, besides a
number of officers of inferior grades, most of them wounded in the
battle of Monocacy.”
Dinner to Captain Winslow in Paris.—Galignani’s Messenger
of July 3, says: “The Americans in Paris the evening before last
invited Captain Winslow to a dinner at Philippe’s, at which Mr.
Dayton, the United States Minister, and the Secretaries of the Legation,
were present. The surgeon and the paymaster of the Kearsarge
were also among the company. At the close of the dinner, and on the
proposition of one of the guests, a collection was made for erecting a
monument to the federal sailor who has just died in the naval hospital
at Cherbourg of the wounds he received in the action with the Alabama.
The other two wounded men are going on favorably. The naval combat of
the 19th June will, therefore, have cost the federals the loss of only
The Expected Raid into Maine.
Attempted Robbery of a Bank
THE AUTHORITIES ON THE ALERT.
Me., July 18.
Mayor of Calais telegraphs the Governor that four armed men from St.
John, probably part of the raiding party, entered the Calais bank this
morning for the purpose of killing the Cashier and robbing the bank.
They were foiled, however, their arms taken away and themselves captured
and put in the lock-up. No one was hurt.
suspicious fellows came from Boston last week in the Eastern
Queen, but as the officers marked them and were on the alert, no
outbreak occurred. The plans of the raiders seem thus far to be simply
to reconnoitre for a chance to strike a blow, as the authorities are
every where on the alert. Whatever plans they may make will be likely to
Whidden of Calais telegraphs for authority to muster into State service
and put on duty fifty men from Captain Flint’s company of hoe guards.
Capt. Flint already has his entire company on duty and ammunition has
been sent them.
the Associated Press.]
Me., July 18.
midday today, there was an attempt to rob the Calais bank by a small
party of rebel raiders, who came from St. John, N. B. Three of them were
arrested. The leader of the gang is Capt. Collins, of the 15th Miss.
Regiment. They say some thirty associates promised to meet them, but
failed. The vigilance of the State guards prevented the consummation of
this bold scheme of pillage. The men have been committed. The citizens
are arming in expectation of an attack tonight.
JULY 20, 1864
HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT & STATE GAZETTE
The Third Invasion.
third annual invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania by the Confederates
has come and gone; and although more brief in its duration and less
formidable in the force engaged, it appears to have been much more
destructive than either of its predecessors. For about ten days the
invaders seem to have literally had the field to themselves. They seemed
to fully understand the condition of affairs and to duly appreciate the
shameful negligence and imbecility of the Washington authorities.
Relying upon these for their safety, they literally spread themselves
over the greater part of Maryland, destroying what they pleased and
carrying off what they could. To ensure entire immunity in this work,
they sent considerable bodies of troops to threaten Baltimore and
Washington, and made a feeble attack upon the Northern defences of the
latter. For two days they cut off communication between those cities,
destroyed the railroads, and captured two trains running between
Baltimore and Philadelphia, taking from the passengers such “spoil”
as they coveted. After the battle at Monocacy, on Saturday, in which our
forces were defeated with a loss of about 1200, the rebels ventured to
the very suburbs of Baltimore, there holding check our forces while
their roving bands were gathering up cattle, horses, hogs, sheep and all
kinds of plunder that they could carry off, conveying it to the other
side of the Potomac. A large force, on Monday and Tuesday following,
approached Washington on the North, and made an attack upon the outer
defences. Severe skirmishing ensued in which our loss was about 300, and
that of the enemy was guessed to be much larger. While this was going
on, the scattered bands of “raiders” were sweeping the country of
stock and stores and conveying it to the river. On Wednesday, we are
told, all their detachments having got in with their plunder, the entire
force of the invaders retreated across the Potomac by the fords at
Edwards’ Ferry and above,
and started “on to Richmond” with immense droves of live stock and
vast quantities of other plunder.
all this work, the invaders appear to have been literally unmolested by
the large force of U. S. troops in and about Washington. After they had
disappeared, we are told of the “hot pursuit” instituted for their
capture or destruction, and have been assured that it is next to
impossible that the invaders can escape “bagging.” But this brave
talk after the danger is over is characteristic of the Washington
cowards and imbeciles, and is fully understood. It is likely that the
enemy will escape without serious loss either of men or plunder, and
will return to Richmond with horses enough to remount Lee’s cavalry,
and live stock and stores enough to feed his army for months.
to the number of the invaders, there is no reliable information. Some
accounts put it as high as 45,000, while others set it as low as 10,000.
Even if it was as large as the highest number stated, the success of the
invasion is utterly disgraceful to our Government. At and about
Washington alone there was as large a force of our troops,
besides the large detachments at Harper’s Ferry, Baltimore and other
places; and if there had been any degree of courage, foresight, capacity
and energy in our authorities, they could have concentrated 75,000 men
before the enemy had been a day on the north side of the Potomac–a
force sufficient to have “bagged” the whole of them. But these
qualities were wanting, and cowardice and imbecility characterized
“the Government.” Through these, the invaders had a week’s
“free course,” and were then enabled to depart in peace,
laden with immense spoils plundered from the very gates of Washington
and Baltimore and under the very eyes of the blatant cowards who hold
this invasion shows something else besides the cowardice, imbecility and
wicked negligence of the Washington authorities. It utterly disproves
all the stories of Lee’s weakness and the danger of Richmond. If he is
so weak and Richmond is in such peril, who supposed that Lee would
detach a force of 20,000 or 30,000 from his army and send them upon an
expedition like this? And in so doing he appears not to have left any
“gaps” in his defences, for while they have been away, Grant seems
to have made no progress towards the capture of Richmond.
the rebel forces are thundering at the gates of Baltimore and
Washington–when the homes of the free white men of the North are
threatened with invasion–when ruin , desolation and
death stalk at our doors and menace the Republic with
destruction–at such an awful moment as this, we are called upon to
print a proclamation in reference to the “abolition of slavery,”
issued on July 9, 1864, by the great imposter and imbecile, Abraham
Lincoln. Had this miserable clown and buffoon, crowned with a jester’s
cap and swinging a jester’s bells, no other words to send to the
beleaguered North, in this dark and dreary hour, than such puerile
twaddle about Negro slavery? Had he no sympathy to express for his white
brethren–no words of comfort for those who live in the free States,
and whose condition to-day is one of imminent and deadly peril? But what
else could be expected from one who called for a vulgar Negro song to
drown the shrieks and groans of his dying countrymen at Antietam?
Patience, freemen, patience! When November comes you can right your
wrongs, and strike this recreant at the ballot box. Patience, freemen,
patience, a little longer.–Philadelphia
Capital Chance for Stay at Home Folks.–Every
Republican called to serve in the
field.–Under date of June 26, Provost-Marshal General Fry issues a
circular, setting forth a way whereby persons not fit for military duty,
and not liable for draft, from age or other causes, may be personal
represented in the army. Provost Marshals and all other military
officers are ordered to furnish all proper facilities for the exercise
of such “practical patriotism.” Such patriots are to be allowed to
raise, each man at his own expense, a recruit or substitute to represent
him in the army–the name of the person so furnishing a recruit is to
be noted on the enlistment
and descriptive rolls, and carried forward to the other official records
which form the military history. This arrangement affords a fine chance
for a large class of very strenuous advocates of the war, to “the last
man and the last dollar,” to fight, bleed and die by
proxy. If all this class of stay-at-home warriors would at once send
forward their personal representatives, the army would be filled up
without a resort to the draft. Hereafter when peace men hear the flaming
war speeches of such patriots, let them inquire if their names are on
the government rolls by representative
recruits, in the way thus prescribed by Gen. Fry.–Manchester
FARMERS’ CABINET (NH)
in Social Expenses.
movement of ladies in behalf of economy of expenditure is especially
important, in view of the fact that in this country the women determine
the scale of living. It is
one of the peculiarities of American social life. Why, we need not
discuss here, but women have an overruling influence upon society. In
all classes, it is the wife or daughter who determines the style of the
home and the general rate of expenditure. The men are sufficiently
extravagant and waste money enough, but it is not generally in social
expenses. The furniture, the dress and ornament of women and children,
the number of servants, the style of living, all those little which make
up a great deal of the expense of a household, are legislated on and
settled by the weaker sex. Now it happens that most of the luxuries and
extravagances in this direction are of foreign source and must be
imported. When brought here, they do not–the most of them–add
anything to the wealth of the country, and they must be paid for, to a
considerable extent, in gold.
extravagance acts in two ways to injure the national cause. It
diminishes the resources of the people for supporting the burdens of the
war, and it raises the price of every article which the Government
requires, or which the people consume. With gold at 200, every man,
woman and child would receive only half a dollar’s worth of
commodities for every dollar, so far be unable to help the Government,
while the Government would pay double for all it bought, and each year
be doubling the debt–and consequent taxation–which it ought
legitimately to incur. Economy saving in luxuries and indulgences,
especially the imported, will at once leave at freedom a large part of
the annual savings of the country, to enrich its capital and to be
placed in Government funds. The richer the people are the more certainly
will the taxes be met and the better the public credit. The higher the
national credit, and the more raised for the war by loans, the less
circulation and the lower the premium on gold. This, of course, is clear
to every one. A lessening of imports will also, to a certain degree,
bring down the price of gold. All these principles are well known
to the community; but the difficulty is to make individuals feel their
responsibility. It is very hard for each person to see that “he is the
nation,” that is, that the nation is made up of persons, and if each
one is economical and invests his private savings in Government
securities, the whole people will be paying their debt, and gold will go
down.–N. Y. Times.
How Can Farming be made more
Attractive?–The following are some of the scraps and shreds
drawn at various times from the discussions of the Farmers’ Club:
By less hard work. Farmers often understand more than they can do well,
and consequently work too early and too late.
By more system. The farmers should have a time to begin and stop labor.
They should put more mind and machinery into their work. They should
theorize as well as practice, and let both go together. Farming is
healthy, moral and respectable; and in the long run it may be made
profitable. The farmer should keep good stock and out of debt. The farm
is the best place to begin and end life, and hence so many in the cities
and professional life covet a rural home.
By taking care of good health. Farmers have a healthy variety of
exercise, but too often neglect cleanliness, omit bathing, eat
irregularly and hurriedly, sleep in ill-ventilated apartments, and
expose themselves to cold. Nine-tenths of the human diseases arise from
colds and intemperance. Frequent bathing is profitable, so is fresh air,
deliberation at the dinner-table, and rest after eating. ->
By adoring the home. Nothing is lost by a pleasant home. Books, papers,
pictures, music and reading should all be brought to bear upon the indoor
family entertainment; and neatness, comfort, order, shrubbery, flowers and
fruit should harmonize all without. Homes should be a sanctuary so happy and
holy that children will love it, women delight in it, manhood crave it, and
old age enjoy it. There would be less desertions of old homesteads if pains
were taken to make them more agreeable. Ease, order, health and beauty are
compatible with farm life, and were ordained to go with it.
Grant and Meade.–You
should see the brilliant cavalcade and hear the tramp and clangor of hoof
and sabre when Grant and Meade and their staffs and the whole mounted
retinue of headquarters go sweeping by. Of course the small man on the back
of the small black horse leading the troop is Grant. If you did not know it
before, the soldiers who rush out to the road, or half halt on the march,
and point him out to each other, have told you. The small black pacing
horse, half a queen’s pony, half a king’s Bucephalus, with arched neck
and champing bit, and small, alert, flexible ears, and short mouse-like
hair, and great tail carried royally like a banner; whose form is symmetry,
spite of the sloping hips that belong to all pacers, whose muscles are
watch-springs, whose impatient air seems to resent his small size–this
little black imp of a horse, a horse that is “all horse,” is “Jeff
Davis,” and Grant is on his back.
rider sits him with uncommon grace, controls him with one small gauntleted
hand, never once regards the torrent of horsemen that follow, looks right
nor left, but never fails to acknowledge with a quick gesture the salutes of
the soldiers–all-absorbed, all-observant, silent, inscrutable, he controls
and moves armies as he does his horse.
rider at his side is not less worth marking well. His horse is the ideal
war-horse, tall and powerful, and horse and rider look a picture of helmeted
knight of old, gaunt, tall, grizzled, with the large Roman nose of will and
power, and wearing a slouched hat, the wide brim bent down all around, but
not concealing the lightning glance of eyes that are terrible in
anger–such is George G. Meade, noblest Roman of them all, relentless
fighter, the good General, to whose hearty and wise seconding Grant does
not, and the country should not, hesitate to acknowledge the greatest
Cork (Ireland) Reporter says that the tide of emigration still rolls as vigorously
and unceasingly from Queenstown as if it had only commenced. It was
remarkable, strikingly apparent, that of those emigrating to America, there
is a large increase of young men, strong, stalwart, vigorous fellows, able
to work and willing to fight. Indeed, some of them make no secret of the
likelihood of their joining the American army.
Alleged Peace Negotiations.
following important dispatch from Niagara Falls, 20th, respecting rebel
propositions to return to the Union and a semi-official interview
between the Confederate Commissioner and Horace Greeley, was published
in the New York Times of
weeks ago, Geo. N. Sanders, C. C. Clay of Alabama, Jacob Thompson of
Mississippi, and J. P. Holcomb of Virginia, arrived at the Clifton
House, just across the river from this place. Their arrival was duly
announced in the public press, and the object of their mission was
understood to be to consult with the Democratic leaders of the North in
reference to the Chicago Convention.
proved, however, that they had a double purpose in view, which was first
developed to Horace Greeley, stating that Messrs. Clay, Thompson and
Holcomb were duly recognized Commissioners of the Confederate
Government, and desired to know what terms could be made for terminating
the war between the two sections. He added, however, that these
Commissioners were not specially authorized to negotiate for a cessation
of hostilities or a restoration of the Union, but that they would like
to have an informal conference with such persons as the United States
Government might indicate to meet them. These facts having been
presented to Mr. Lincoln, he requested Mr. Greeley to act in the matter
as he thought desirable under the peculiar circumstances, and stated
that he (Mr. L.) should at any time be pleased to receive propositions
from those who had been in arms against the Government for a return to
their allegiance as duty as citizens of the Union. He also stated that
he should be pleased to see the Union restored upon any terms consistent
with the present and future safety, welfare, and honor of the
Government. Mr. Greeley having settled all preliminaries with Mr.
Lincoln, proceeded to this place, reached here last Monday morning, and
took up quarters at the International Hotel. A correspondence was at
once opened with the Commissioners, and, as a final result, they made
the following proposition, and gave it as their opinion that the
Richmond Government would approve and ratify the same. The restoration
of the Union in status
quo upon this basis:
Negroes which have been actually freed by the war, to be secured in such
Negroes at present held as slaves to remain so.
war debt of both parties to be paid by the United States.
old doctrine of State rights to be recognized in reconstructing the
proposition was laid before Mr. Lincoln by Mr. Greeley. The President at
once telegraphed to Mr. Greeley the terms upon which he would propose a
settlement and reconstruction, to wit:
full and complete restoration of the Union in all its territorial
integrity; the abandonment of slavery by the seceded states, under
condition which should, while respecting the property-rights of all
loyal men, afford ample security against another war in the interest of
considerable correspondence between the parties, it was concluded to
refer the whole matter back to the Governments for reconsideration. All
negotiations having been terminated, Mr. Greeley, in company with Mr.
Hay, Private Secretary of Mr. Lincoln, called upon the Commissioners at
the Clifton House, on the Canada side, where a protracted and pleasant
interview was had, and the various questions under consideration were
discussed at length. Mr. Greeley left the falls for New York on this
afternoon’s train. It is understood that the Commissioners with
Sanders and Jewett, are to remain and carry on negotiations with the
Democrats. A letter is to be prepared for the Chicago Convention, in
which the Commissioners will hold out strong assurances of a restoration
of the Union under Democratic auspices. The whole movement is regarded
by many as a mere scheme to entrap the Administration into a false
position before the country and the world, for the benefit of the
disunion of the Democrats.
upon the same matter, the Times
has the following dispatch from Washington, referring to the recent
visit of Col. Jaquess and Edward Kirke, the author, to the rebel
Capital, and their interviews with Jeff Davis:
Wednesday, July 20.
individual, fresh from Richmond, not as a released prisoner, but a
honored guest, entertained three days in the capital of the Southern
Confederacy, feasted by Jeff Davis, Benjamin and their compeers, having
around him the romance and the mystery of an unknown mission, and
knowing the secrets if the rebel prison-house, is a rara avis enough to make a sensation even amid the leaden an languid
heat of a Washington summer’s day. Such a person, bringing with him
all the experiences enumerated, arrived here to-day direct from Richmond
by way of Gen. Grant’s headquarters. His name is Col. James F. Jaquess,
of the 73d Illinois Volunteers. Colonel, but parson also, being a
minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Though neither envoy nor
ambassador, Col. Jaquess had a mission of his own, clothed with no
authority to speak for either President or Government, he appears to
have had authority enough of some kind to command a hearing from the
principalities and powers that sit in Richmond; in fine, without being a
plenipotentiary, he seems to be endowed with a certain species of power
behind the throne that caused him to be attentively listened to and
kindly treated by the chiefs of the rebellion. ->
of his Mission.
the real object and end of Col. Jaquess’ mission, I am requested by
himself not now to speak. It is perfectly proper to state, however, that
it is in no respect official in its character, and that he had no
warranty whatsoever to enter into any negotiations between this
Government and the rebel authorities. Any statement that would convey a
different impression is false. Secondly, it may be stated that though
Col. Jaquess’ mission contemplates results of the highest importance,
these results are ulterior rather than immediate. Finally, it is
warrantable to say that though his mission was one of peace, it was not
a peace mission. Col. Jaquess belongs to the church militant and
believes most heartily in dealing the rebellion what Hudibras calls
“apostolic blows and knocks.” Yet he has faith that the time will
come, and is rapidly coming, when an agency of reconciliation which he
believes to be of immense value, can be used.
by this sentiment, he succeeded in so impressing his views upon Mr.
Lincoln, that the President, without according him the smallest official
recognition or authority, was willing, believing his honesty of purpose,
that he should try the experiment of a visit to Richmond. Accordingly he
gave him a personal recommendation to Gen. Grant to pass him through the
lines or otherwise forward his views.
Jaques Goes to Richmond.
aided, Col. Jaquess, accompanied by Mr. Edward Kirke, made his way from
Gen. Grant’s headquarters by the north side of the James river, and
passing the rebel lines, reached the Confederate Capital. Here they
remained for three days–Saturday, Sunday and Monday last. While in
Richmond, Col. Jaquess, at his own request, was placed under guard; but
he had the entire freedom of the city, and put up during his visit at
the Spottswood House, the “crack” hotel of Richmond.
with the Rebel President.
Colonel, during his three days’ stay, visited the various Confederate
authorities, as well as the prisons and hospitals in which our captives
and wounded are confined. He had two prolonged interviews with President
Davis in his office in the Custom-house; and although the nature and
subject matter of the conversations between himself and the rebel
President are not proper for present publication, yet it is understood
that Col. Jaquess met with considerable success in impressing his views
upon Mr. Davis. When taking his leave, Davis took the Colonel’s hand
in both his, shook it warmly and cordially, and stated that, leaving out
of view the present struggle, he had the highest respect for his
character and aims.
the Colonel was Entertained.
Colonel, while a guest at the Spottswood House, fared sumptuously, being
fed on chicken turkey, mutton and all the viands of a well-appointed
hotel, and entertained with fine brandies and costly wines. His bill
would have amounted to more than $500 in Confederate money, but he found
it impossible to induce his entertainers to accept any return for the
hospitality he had received.
Visits Various Dignitaries.
Jaquess also had interviews with Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, Mr.
Ould, Commissioner of Exchange, and other Confederate dignitaries and
of Col. Jaquess.
though Col. Jaquess’ story, his mission, and all belonging thereto may
appear, there can be no doubt whatever of his thorough honesty; and with
this quality he appears to be credited both by our own and the rebel
authorities. Of his wisdom there may be possibly no question.
Rise in the Price of Drinks.–Lager beer, as well as all the
other luxuries and necessities of life, has “gone up,” and Monday
about all the principal saloons in this city and Brooklyn raised the
price to ten cents per glass. Liquors and tobacco are now quite costly
luxuries. Cobblers and juleps cost from twenty to twenty-five cents
each, and good segars from ten to forty cents apiece. The enormous tax
on the material for these, together with the paper currency, is what has
done it. Liquor dealers claim they do not realize as much profit now in
selling a claret punch, or mint julep, at 20 cts., as they did four
years ago, when the price was 8. There are places in this city where the
“best brandy” retails at a dollar per glass, and twenty-five cents
is a very common price. Perhaps there will be little that is valuable
lost to the community if the prices of these articles go beyond the
means of the majority to indulge in them. “Shoddy” is now importing
its own wines from France. Lager became a popular drink shortly after
the financial crash of ’57, on account of its comparative cheapness.
It may be wondered what will replace it now. Perhaps something worse or
something better, but probably nothing so harmless can be made so cheap.
“Spreeing” is a much more costly style of amusement now than it ever
was before, and the largest fortunes can easily and quickly be exhausted
by a course of dissipation, such as is not unusual among persons who
have recently become possessed of means.–N.
JULY 23, 1864
SPRINGFIELD REPUBLICAN (MA)
to Peace: The New Test.
cannot resist the conviction that what there is of patriotic virtue and
Christian principle in the hearts of the American people is to be put to
the severest test within the next year, or the next two years–perhaps
within the next three months–to which it has ever been subjected. The
motives with which the rebellion was entered upon were missed. There was
the lust for power which the leaders saw departing from them, through
the growing strength and moral wakefulness of the north; the hatred of
northern institutions and northern men engendered by the superior
prosperity of the north and its moral hostility to southern
institutions; and last, but by no means least, there was the desire to
save and perpetuate African slavery, as the basis of productive industry
and social order. This last motive was the all powerful one, or the one
without which all others would have lacked vitality; and as the war was
entered upon to save slavery, so will peace be sought if sought at all,
for the same purpose. If the time shall ever come when the southern
leaders regard their cause as hopeless, they will, of course, attempt
first to save themselves, and, second, to save the system for which they
have sacrificed and suffered so much. Even now, there are suggestions
thrown out by the known friends of the rebels, touching a sentiment
which shall retain so much of the accursed system as the war has left
intact, giving to those slaves whom the war has set free their freedom
in perpetuity. The democrats in congress have manifested not only their
willingness but their determination to stand by the institution of
slavery, and to join with the south in any attempt to maintain it and
its constitutional protection.
question as to whether the leading traitors to the country (on whose
heads rests all the awful responsibility of the bloody horrors of the
past three years) shall be received into political and social fellowship
again, and secure a fresh guaranty for the system of slavery, is to come
before the loyal people of the country sooner or later. Practically it
will come before them between this time and the day of the presidential
election. There is no mistaking the fact that an influential portion of
the democratic party would be glad to purchase peace, and power at the
same time, by a restoration of all rebeldom to political fellowship, and
slavery to its old dominating position. It is just as certain that these
men will go as far in this direction as they dare to go–just as far as
they can carry the masses of their party. The late peace reconnoissance
at Niagara Falls was a movement entirely in the interest of the
democratic party. The commissioners were no commissioners. They had no
authority, and received from the president quite as satisfactory an
answer as they expected. All they sought for, or aimed at, was to make
capital against the administration, through what they could represent to
the people as a disinclination to peace on the part of the president. We
shall see the attempt made by a large portion of the democratic press to
use the president’s letter as evidence that he does not desire peace;
and there is not a paper of the whole crowd, engaging in this style of
warfare, which would not approve of treating the rebels in arms,
restoring the leaders to their old rights, and retaining slavery. ->
here will come the test. It is true that war is, and always has been,
contrary to the feelings and spirit of the North. All of hate it, lament
it and curse the authors of it. It is true that the people of the north
are tired of it and long for peace, but the majority of them feel that
there are things worse than war. The majority of them feel that to end
the war with nothing accomplished but the deaths of hundreds of
thousands of brave men, and the accumulation of a debt that will hang
about the neck of the union for centuries, would be a disgrace and a
shame and a curse, by the side of which the horrors of war are soft and
sweet. The majority of them, in their best convictions, feel that to
bring back into the national councils the same old bone of contention,
and the same old bullies and champions of barbarism, with the same
claims and the same spirit, would not be peace, but war, by the side of
which the clash of armies on the field would be music. Yet this is the
sort of peace which influential men would be willing to accept, if, by
it, they could secure power. The North will be asked to take peace on
the terms which treason may offer, or be willing to accept, and in the
minds of some of the more timid and short-sighted there will be a
disposition to take it on these terms. We are not disposed to underrate
the strength of the temptation which the plausible calls to peace, so
ready on the tongues of demagogues, will bring to a people weary of war;
and it is for this reason that we sound the note of warning. In God’s
name, have we not had enough of slavery? Have we not had enough of it in
our legislation? Have we not suffered long enough from its arrogance and
its insolence? Have we not lost enough in blood and treasure in
consequence of its treason? Has it not sufficiently corrupted and cursed
our politics and our political men? Have we not suffered enough of
national disgrace for it? Have we not been sufficiently punished for its
tolerance and protection?
us not be tempted by our desire for peace to do that, or countenance
that which we know to be wrong, and which we know to be shameful. The
rebels are rebels still, and their leaders are never again to be
received into our national councils. Slavery is what it always was–a
sin and a curse. It is under the military ban of the government; and if
one Congress will not provide for its constitutional abolition, another
will. As a people, we can with honor consent to no other basis of
settlement than that indicated by the president in his comprehensive
letter “to whom it may concern.” Any proposition which embraces the
restoration of peace, the restoration of the whole Union, and the
abandonment of slavery, we will consider, and we will consider no other.
The assumption of virtue and equal right which the rebel leaders indulge
in, cannot possibly be tolerated. They have no virtue. They have no
political right in the position which they now occupy. They are rebels
against a just government. They are guilty of the most enormous crimes.
The blood of our slaughtered brothers calls from the ground against
them; and to them and to our living country we owe the duty of
extinguishing that system which has been the root of all our difficulty.
When we get peace, and we shall get it, let us have a peace that will be
worth something–a peace which we can leave to our children as a
priceless inheritance–a peace which will permit us to lie down in the
grave feeling that there is no cause to fear a recurrence of such times
as these. A great work has been placed upon the shoulders of this
generation. Let us do it well.
story is true . . .
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