, 1864

The Republic of Jones.

The county of Jones, in the State of Mississippi, through which Leaf River and Tallahala run without bringing much fertility with them, is known for the poverty of its soil and the independence of its people. In our young days it was called the “Free State of Jones,” from the absence of any “human chattels” or any other property restraints upon its people. They were wholly indifferent to the judgments of the courts, for they had no jail, except a log-pen without a lock to its door or a roof upon it, and as for pecuniary penalties, they defied them.

We heard last year, indeed, that Jones had seceded from the Confederacy, and that they had quite a force guarding their territory against all incursion. We had supposed that by this time they had been reduced to terms, but learn, by the following correspondence in the Natchez Courier, that the republic still maintains its independence. The editor of the Courier, who a year ago was at Jackson, Miss., says:

Paroled men were frequently reporting to the commanding officer at that post, and when asked where they hailed from, their reply was that they had been taken prisoners in Jones county and paroled. As conclusive of this fact, they generally exhibited a parole, written upon birch bark–paper being scarce in that county. They also represented an organized community in Jones, determined to resist the Confederate conscript act. An armed force was sent against them, and we had all this time supposed that the little Jones Democracy had been broken up, but our correspondent writes different. He represents the people in the height of prosperity, and their army and navy complete, seeking to cultivate and enjoy the arts of peace. We are not of those who believe the Republic of Jones can long survive. What the Confederates do not absorb, owing to its interior location, will not be worth much to anyone.

The correspondent says that the Confederacy has declared war against the republic, and sent an army under Col. Maury from Mobile “to crush the rebellion.” The Republic, which has a regular government both civil and military, immediately prepared to act on the defensive, raising an army under the command of Major Robinson, commander-in-chief of the armies of the Republic of Jones. The belligerents met; a desperate battle ensured, in which the armies of the new republic were victorious, having killed, wounded and captured many of the Confederates–the remainder, under their gallant commander, ingloriously fled.

The following is a copy of a dispatch sent by the commander-in-chief of the forces to his Honor the Secretary of War for the Republic of Jones:

Headquarters, Forces of the Republic,
In the Field, Jan. 27, 1864.

To the Hon. A. C. Williams, Secretary of War:

Sir–We met the forces of the invader on the evening of the 26th inst., at Cross Roads. After an engagement of eight hours duration we broke his centre, when he fled in confusion; on the field we captured many prisoners and several pieces of artillery. Our loss was slight.

I have the honor to be, respectfully

R. Robinson.

After this hard-fought battle an armistice was made. Ministers were appointed to confer with the “so-called Confederate States.” Propositions for peace were entered into, but declined by the Confederate States. A cartel for exchange of prisoners was offered by the Republic, which was also declined. All prospects of  an amicable adjustment ceased, the Ministers of the Republic returned to their capital to fully convinced that the Republic had no alternative but to prepare for war. Their Congress having met, a lengthy debate took place, the question in debate: “Propositions to form an alliance with the United States,” which was opposed by Mr. Billing, on the ground that the position of the United States in regard to the question of secession had been clearly defined in her war with the “so-called Confederate States.” ->

Congress at once declared that it would be a useless expenditure of time. An act was unanimously passed ordering all persons, male and female, who denied their inalienable right of secession, to leave the republic at once, on pain of being punished as a spy.

No provisions having been made for the exchange of prisoners, they were paroled. The following is a true copy of a parole:

Headquarters, Forces of the Republic,
February 2, 1864.

I, Ben Johnston, do solemnly swear that I will not aid or assist the enemies of said republic in any way whatsoever during the war, unless sooner discharged. So help me God.

Ben. Johnson.

Sworn and subscribed before me this 2d day of February, 1864,

Wm. Armstrong, Captain and A. A. G.

To many this may seem highly wrought, but nevertheless it is true. Numbers of deserters having congregated in the swamps of Jones county, determined to form a government for themselves. Col. Maury with a force was sent to disband them, but they fought desperately, and in their strongholds defied the colonel and his forces, killing and wounding and capturing many of his men.

So the Free State of Jones yet maintains its ancient independence.1


The Kearsarge and Alabama.

The Alabama an English vessel.

It is a mistake to call this Alabama a Confederate vessel. In the accounts we give from the London Times and the London News, it is openly admitted that the Alabama was an English vessel, manned by English seamen, and armed with English guns; and that moreover, she was especially prepared to fight with the Kearsarge, and that trained gunners from the English practicing ship Excellent were put on board of her to help destroy the American vessel. From the tone of the English press it is evident that they regard it as a blow to their own naval power, and resent it as such.

The Alabama was fairly beaten by the superior guns of the American vessel and the greater skill of her crew. It is gratifying, in addition to the fact that we are rid of the Alabama, to know that in a fair contest with a British vessel, a United States ship-of-war still maintains its supremacy.

A Sailor’s Telegram.

The following characteristic telegram has been received in Liverpool from an officer who was saved by the Deerhound:

“The Alabama was in first-rate trim. We have been deceived in the Kearsarge. Work hot and heavy, but weight of d----d metal of Kearsarge too much. Her shots went slap through below the water line. Hell could not stand it. Yankee far too fast for Semmes, who held hi man too cheap.”

JULY 18, 1864

Sherman’s Position.

If there ever was a glorious opportunity presented before to the Confederate army to annihilate the invading forces of our enemy, that opportunity now presents itself, and only requires bold and decisive action for the consummation of a brilliant success. Situated as Sherman is at present, his danger is imminent. He is now three hundred miles from his base of operation, in a country hostile to his army, and barren of resources wherewith to support the large force under his command. A brief view of the “situation” will develop the precariousness of his position and show the advantages we would possess of crushing him, if the movements of our army are characterized by daring and decision.

From Chattanooga–Sherman’s depot of supplies–to the Chattahoochee river is one hundred and thirty-one miles by the Western and Atlantic Railroad. It is a matter of impossibility for the Federals to guard effectually so long a route without depleting their main body to an alarming degree. This Sherman has not, and will not do, consequently only the bridges are guarded, and there may possibly be small bodies of cavalry scouring the country in search of guerrillas. The railroad is the only source of supply for the Federal army, for it is not to be expected that wagons could convey enough provisions from Chattanooga to supply its wants. Such a supposition would be simply ridiculous, as it is evident that a wagon could scarcely be able to haul enough corn for its team of mules. If such is then the case, and no one will deny it, why is not the road effectually destroyed? It can be done without any extraordinary difficulty. Eight or ten thousand well mounted cavalrymen could destroy the railroad bridges with but little danger to themselves. When we say destroy the railroad, we mean, do it effectually, tear up the track and cross-ties, pile the iron on wood and set the wood on fire. The road would then become useless and fresh iron would have to be obtained from the North before the damage could be repaired. In the meantime what could Sherman do? Could he remain in his present position? No! It is not feasible to suppose that he could. To save his army from starvation he would be necessitated to retreat and the grand invasion of Georgia would be ended in disaster to the invader.

Sherman’s position is precarious. He knows it, and knowing, is surprised that no effort has yet been made to destroy his communications. He looks anxiously to his rear, expecting every moment to hear the sound of hostile cannon resounding from Dalton to the Etowah; but days have merged into weeks, and weeks into months, without the serenity of the Federals being disturbed. An excess of caution is worse than precipitancy, for with the former we lose advantage, while with the latter we only anticipate them. The one is more dangerous than the other in this instance, for if we take the two armies–Johnston’s and Sherman’s–we may find it so. Sherman has precipitately followed us from Dalton, until he is almost in sight of Atlanta. The goal of his campaign is in sight. Will we fall back any further? Will not doing so be an excess of caution? We only ask the question without giving any opinion, and on Gen. Johnston we depend for its solution. One thing, however, we will say, Sherman’s position is a dangerous one, and if we take advantage of it, neither his army or himself will ever enter Atlanta, save as prisoners of war. But Gen. Johnston knows best. His great skill as a soldier, acknowledged even by his enemies, will, we believe, enable him to seize all advantages.

The Present Campaigns.

In the early part of April, the fourth year of the war was ushered in by a signal victory over the army of Gen. Seymour, on the glorious field of Olustee, in Florida. The third year of our struggle for independence had expired amid general gloom, and apprehensions of our ability to recover from the reverses which had befallen us were expressed by many good and true men in our midst. From the latter part of April, 1863, to the same month of the present year, we had met a series of disasters, unbroken, save by the glimmer of light emitted from the successful defence of Charleston. But even this triumph was clouded and obscured by the more important losses we had sustained, and it is no matter of surprise that the people were dispirited at the dark prospect before them.

In this hour of national gloom, the battle and victory at Olustee came like a beam of hope to cheer our hearts and inspire us with confidence of our ability to retrieve the past reverses. No sooner had the sound of the cannon in Florida cease thundering defiance to the enemy, tan its boom was echoed from the prairies of Louisiana, and, soon after, the welcome news came that our gallant army in the trans-Mississippi had crushed the invading army of the enemy, and driven it in utter rout to the protection of its gunboats. It is true that these victories could but slightly affect the campaign which, by that time, had opened in Georgia and Virginia; but they were links in the chain of our support and expectations. They were accordingly regarded as indicating more glorious events for our cause, and welcomed for their promise of further triumphs.

In such anticipations the people have not been disappointed. The history of the campaigns in Virginia and Georgia are too fresh in our memory to require recapitulation. Grant has been foiled in every effort to capture the Confederate capital, and after sacrificing fully one hundred thousand men in futile assaults, finds himself not only unable to achieve his object, but sees the capital of his own people besieged by the forces of the Confederacy. In Georgia our army has slowly fallen back before the advance of an overwhelming force of the enemy, inflicting severe punishment on him while making its retrograde movement.

If being necessitated to retire, by reason of the flanking policy of the enemy, be considered a misfortune, then the retreat of General Johnston from Dalton is the only reverse we have met with since the campaigns of the present year opened. But we do not look at our retreat as a misfortune. It is true we regret the necessity of having to fall back, but now that Sherman has reached the Chattahoochee river and our army appears to have made its last retreat, we are hopeful and confident that victory will rest with our arms whenever a battle is fought.

Forrest in Mississippi has also added to our successes this campaign, and at Charleston the Federals have received  decided repulse in their endeavor to take that city.

The campaigns are not yet over. Grant still confronts Lee at Petersburg, and Sherman is not yet driven from Georgia. Notwithstanding these facts, we cannot fail to perceive in our general successes for the past four months the hand of Providence protecting the people of the South. To His favor are we indebted for our triumphs and on Him must we depend for a continuance of victory.

JULY 19,

Paper and Cloth from Corn Husks.
[From the National Intelligencer, July 12.]

Increasing consumption and advancing prices have been for years admonishing paper makers and the public of the necessity for new paper material. Straw, a cheap material obtainable in unlimited quantities, was made available  for coarse papers; but it has only met the demand in a very limited degrees.

A year ago or more, some specimens of paper, said to have been made from maize-fibre, were exhibited at the rooms of the Department of Agriculture as the product of an experiment conducted in Austria under imperial patronage. It seems that the experiments have been persevered in and extended.

The Hon. Isaac Newton, the Commissioner of Agriculture, has just received from Austria a package containing the most remarkable results of the manufactures of Indian corn fibres. It embraces paper apparently equal to the finest linen paper, and evidently superior in point of durability. Some if it is thought to be a good substitute for parchment. Specimens of colored paper are remarkable for their evenness and delicacy. Tissue paper, very light and transparent, is included; tracing and drawing papers, preferred by artists to those of English and French manufacture; cigarette papers, black and brown; flower paper, in beautiful colors, for the making of artificial flowers; silk paper of several qualities–in all, sixty samples of paper, thick and thin, white and colored, substantially useful and delicately ornamental. They constitute a wonder of ingenuity, and illustrate the power of invention to create new forms from common materials, and the utility of patient effort in developing the perfection of skill in industry.

Nor is this all. Bleached and unbleached crash, of several kinds, are exhibited from the same material, the fibre of corn husks, (the outer covering of the ear, called in our Southern States shucks). But perhaps the most successful result, in heavy fabrics, is oilcloth for floors, of which two different colors are shown, both apparently of superior durability.

The process of paper making has been for several years in development. The spinning and weaving of maize-fibre was commenced late in 1862. Both processes have been patented in Austria and other European countries, and in this country.

These results have been attained under the direction of Dr. Chevsher Auer de Weisback, director of the Imperial printing establishment at Vienna, and superintendent of the Imperial paper mills at Schloegelmuhl, Austria.

All portions of the husk are converted into paper stuff, spinning stuff, or husk meal, which is mixed with common flour. Nineteen per cent of paper fibre, ten of spinning material, and eleven of feed stuff are obtained, together making forty per cent, leaving a refuse of sixty per cent, much of it fine fibre and gluten, which may be filtered and utilized.

Nor does the invention, even in its infancy, lack the important element of profit. An expenditure of 273,740 florins in the manufacture yielded a gross return of 379,000 florins, and a net profit of 105,260 florins, exclusive of rent and use of capital employed.


The Pursuit of the Rebels.—The Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune says, under date of Sunday:

“Further pursuit of the Rebel raiders has been abandoned, and they will probably succeed in reaching Lynchburg with their plunder in safety, unless Gen. ___ intercepts them between Staunton and Lynchburg. Scouts report to headquarters that the Rebel rear guard passed through Ashby’s Gap early on Friday morning, and were making all possible haste up the Shenandoah Valley. Persons residing near the Gap say that their train, composed of all sorts of vehicles, and over a mile long, was filled with with every variety of plunder. ->

“Over 7000 head of horses, cattle and mules, and large droves of sheep and hogs were sent through the Gap by the Rebels previous to their retreat, and were pastured in the meadows along the river until the withdrawal of the main body commenced, which was early on Tuesday morning. Several hundred wounded, in carriages and ambulances, were brought through the Gap. Among them were one Brigadier and several Colonels, besides a number of officers of inferior grades, most of them wounded in the battle of Monocacy.”


The Dinner to Captain Winslow in Paris.—Galignani’s Messenger of July 3, says: “The Americans in Paris the evening before last invited Captain Winslow to a dinner at Philippe’s, at which Mr. Dayton, the United States Minister, and the Secretaries of the Legation, were present. The surgeon and the paymaster of the Kearsarge were also among the company. At the close of the dinner, and on the proposition of one of the guests, a collection was made for erecting a monument to the federal sailor who has just died in the naval hospital at Cherbourg of the wounds he received in the action with the Alabama. The other two wounded men are going on favorably. The naval combat of the 19th June will, therefore, have cost the federals the loss of only one man.”


The Expected Raid into Maine.
Attempted Robbery of a Bank in Calais.

Augusta, Me., July 18.

The Mayor of Calais telegraphs the Governor that four armed men from St. John, probably part of the raiding party, entered the Calais bank this morning for the purpose of killing the Cashier and robbing the bank. They were foiled, however, their arms taken away and themselves captured and put in the lock-up. No one was hurt.

Several suspicious fellows came from Boston last week in the Eastern Queen, but as the officers marked them and were on the alert, no outbreak occurred. The plans of the raiders seem thus far to be simply to reconnoitre for a chance to strike a blow, as the authorities are every where on the alert. Whatever plans they may make will be likely to be frustrated.

Mayor Whidden of Calais telegraphs for authority to muster into State service and put on duty fifty men from Captain Flint’s company of hoe guards. Capt. Flint already has his entire company on duty and ammunition has been sent them.

[To the Associated Press.]

Calais, Me., July 18.

At midday today, there was an attempt to rob the Calais bank by a small party of rebel raiders, who came from St. John, N. B. Three of them were arrested. The leader of the gang is Capt. Collins, of the 15th Miss. Regiment. They say some thirty associates promised to meet them, but failed. The vigilance of the State guards prevented the consummation of this bold scheme of pillage. The men have been committed. The citizens are arming in expectation of an attack tonight.

JULY 20, 1864


The Third Invasion.

The third annual invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania by the Confederates has come and gone; and although more brief in its duration and less formidable in the force engaged, it appears to have been much more destructive than either of its predecessors. For about ten days the invaders seem to have literally had the field to themselves. They seemed to fully understand the condition of affairs and to duly appreciate the shameful negligence and imbecility of the Washington authorities. Relying upon these for their safety, they literally spread themselves over the greater part of Maryland, destroying what they pleased and carrying off what they could. To ensure entire immunity in this work, they sent considerable bodies of troops to threaten Baltimore and Washington, and made a feeble attack upon the Northern defences of the latter. For two days they cut off communication between those cities, destroyed the railroads, and captured two trains running between Baltimore and Philadelphia, taking from the passengers such “spoil” as they coveted. After the battle at Monocacy, on Saturday, in which our forces were defeated with a loss of about 1200, the rebels ventured to the very suburbs of Baltimore, there holding check our forces while their roving bands were gathering up cattle, horses, hogs, sheep and all kinds of plunder that they could carry off, conveying it to the other side of the Potomac. A large force, on Monday and Tuesday following, approached Washington on the North, and made an attack upon the outer defences. Severe skirmishing ensued in which our loss was about 300, and that of the enemy was guessed to be much larger. While this was going on, the scattered bands of “raiders” were sweeping the country of stock and stores and conveying it to the river. On Wednesday, we are told, all their detachments having got in with their plunder, the entire force of the invaders retreated across the Potomac by the fords at Edwards’ Ferry  and above, and started “on to Richmond” with immense droves of live stock and vast quantities of other plunder.

In all this work, the invaders appear to have been literally unmolested by the large force of U. S. troops in and about Washington. After they had disappeared, we are told of the “hot pursuit” instituted for their capture or destruction, and have been assured that it is next to impossible that the invaders can escape “bagging.” But this brave talk after the danger is over is characteristic of the Washington cowards and imbeciles, and is fully understood. It is likely that the enemy will escape without serious loss either of men or plunder, and will return to Richmond with horses enough to remount Lee’s cavalry, and live stock and stores enough to feed his army for months.

As to the number of the invaders, there is no reliable information. Some accounts put it as high as 45,000, while others set it as low as 10,000. Even if it was as large as the highest number stated, the success of the invasion is utterly disgraceful to our Government. At and about  Washington alone there was as large a force of our troops, besides the large detachments at Harper’s Ferry, Baltimore and other places; and if there had been any degree of courage, foresight, capacity and energy in our authorities, they could have concentrated 75,000 men before the enemy had been a day on the north side of the Potomac–a force sufficient to have “bagged” the whole of them. But these qualities were wanting, and cowardice and imbecility characterized “the Government.” Through these, the invaders had a week’s  “free course,” and were then enabled to depart in peace, laden with immense spoils plundered from the very gates of Washington and Baltimore and under the very eyes of the blatant cowards who hold sway there. ->

But this invasion shows something else besides the cowardice, imbecility and wicked negligence of the Washington authorities. It utterly disproves all the stories of Lee’s weakness and the danger of Richmond. If he is so weak and Richmond is in such peril, who supposed that Lee would detach a force of 20,000 or 30,000 from his army and send them upon an expedition like this? And in so doing he appears not to have left any “gaps” in his defences, for while they have been away, Grant seems to have made no progress towards the capture of Richmond.


The Ill-Timed Proclamation.–When the rebel forces are thundering at the gates of Baltimore and Washington–when the homes of the free white men of the North are threatened with invasion–when ruin , desolation and  death stalk at our doors and menace the Republic with destruction–at such an awful moment as this, we are called upon to print a proclamation in reference to the “abolition of slavery,” issued on July 9, 1864, by the great imposter and imbecile, Abraham Lincoln. Had this miserable clown and buffoon, crowned with a jester’s cap and swinging a jester’s bells, no other words to send to the beleaguered North, in this dark and dreary hour, than such puerile twaddle about Negro slavery? Had he no sympathy to express for his white brethren–no words of comfort for those who live in the free States, and whose condition to-day is one of imminent and deadly peril? But what else could be expected from one who called for a vulgar Negro song to drown the shrieks and groans of his dying countrymen at Antietam? Patience, freemen, patience! When November comes you can right your wrongs, and strike this recreant at the ballot box. Patience, freemen, patience, a little longer.–Philadelphia Age.


A Capital Chance for Stay at Home Folks.–Every Republican called to serve in  the field.–Under date of June 26, Provost-Marshal General Fry issues a circular, setting forth a way whereby persons not fit for military duty, and not liable for draft, from age or other causes, may be personal represented in the army. Provost Marshals and all other military officers are ordered to furnish all proper facilities for the exercise of such “practical patriotism.” Such patriots are to be allowed to raise, each man at his own expense, a recruit or substitute to represent him in the army–the name of the person so furnishing a recruit is to be  noted on the enlistment and descriptive rolls, and carried forward to the other official records which form the military history. This arrangement affords a fine chance for a large class of very strenuous advocates of the war, to “the last man and the last dollar,” to fight, bleed and die by proxy. If all this class of stay-at-home warriors would at once send forward their personal representatives, the army would be filled up without a resort to the draft. Hereafter when peace men hear the flaming war speeches of such patriots, let them inquire if their names are on the government rolls by representative recruits, in the way thus prescribed by Gen. Fry.–Manchester Union.

JULY 21,

Economy in Social Expenses.

The movement of ladies in behalf of economy of expenditure is especially important, in view of the fact that in this country the women determine the  scale of living. It is one of the peculiarities of American social life. Why, we need not discuss here, but women have an overruling influence upon society. In all classes, it is the wife or daughter who determines the style of the home and the general rate of expenditure. The men are sufficiently extravagant and waste money enough, but it is not generally in social expenses. The furniture, the dress and ornament of women and children, the number of servants, the style of living, all those little which make up a great deal of the expense of a household, are legislated on and settled by the weaker sex. Now it happens that most of the luxuries and extravagances in this direction are of foreign source and must be imported. When brought here, they do not–the most of them–add anything to the wealth of the country, and they must be paid for, to a considerable extent, in gold.

Our extravagance acts in two ways to injure the national cause. It diminishes the resources of the people for supporting the burdens of the war, and it raises the price of every article which the Government requires, or which the people consume. With gold at 200, every man, woman and child would receive only half a dollar’s worth of commodities for every dollar, so far be unable to help the Government, while the Government would pay double for all it bought, and each year be doubling the debt–and consequent taxation–which it ought legitimately to incur. Economy saving in luxuries and indulgences, especially the imported, will at once leave at freedom a large part of the annual savings of the country, to enrich its capital and to be placed in Government funds. The richer the people are the more certainly will the taxes be met and the better the public credit. The higher the national credit, and the more raised for the war by loans, the less circulation and the lower the premium on gold. This, of course, is clear to every one. A lessening of imports will also, to a certain degree,  bring down the price of gold. All these principles are well known to the community; but the difficulty is to make individuals feel their responsibility. It is very hard for each person to see that “he is the nation,” that is, that the nation is made up of persons, and if each one is economical and invests his private savings in Government securities, the whole people will be paying their debt, and gold will go down.–N. Y. Times.


How Can Farming be made more Attractive?–The following are some of the scraps and shreds drawn at various times from the discussions of the Farmers’ Club:

1. By less hard work. Farmers often understand more than they can do well, and consequently work too early and too late.

2. By more system. The farmers should have a time to begin and stop labor. They should put more mind and machinery into their work. They should theorize as well as practice, and let both go together. Farming is healthy, moral and respectable; and in the long run it may be made profitable. The farmer should keep good stock and out of debt. The farm is the best place to begin and end life, and hence so many in the cities and professional life covet a rural home.

3. By taking care of good health. Farmers have a healthy variety of exercise, but too often neglect cleanliness, omit bathing, eat irregularly and hurriedly, sleep in ill-ventilated apartments, and expose themselves to cold. Nine-tenths of the human diseases arise from colds and intemperance. Frequent bathing is profitable, so is fresh air, deliberation at the dinner-table, and rest after eating. ->

4. By adoring the home. Nothing is lost by a pleasant home. Books, papers, pictures, music and reading should all be brought to bear upon the indoor family entertainment; and neatness, comfort, order, shrubbery, flowers and fruit should harmonize all without. Homes should be a sanctuary so happy and holy that children will love it, women delight in it, manhood crave it, and old age enjoy it. There would be less desertions of old homesteads if pains were taken to make them more agreeable. Ease, order, health and beauty are compatible with farm life, and were ordained to go with it.


Grant and Meade.–You should see the brilliant cavalcade and hear the tramp and clangor of hoof and sabre when Grant and Meade and their staffs and the whole mounted retinue of headquarters go sweeping by. Of course the small man on the back of the small black horse leading the troop is Grant. If you did not know it before, the soldiers who rush out to the road, or half halt on the march, and point him out to each other, have told you. The small black pacing horse, half a queen’s pony, half a king’s Bucephalus, with arched neck and champing bit, and small, alert, flexible ears, and short mouse-like hair, and great tail carried royally like a banner; whose form is symmetry, spite of the sloping hips that belong to all pacers, whose muscles are watch-springs, whose impatient air seems to resent his small size–this little black imp of a horse, a horse that is “all horse,” is “Jeff Davis,” and Grant is on his back.

The rider sits him with uncommon grace, controls him with one small gauntleted hand, never once regards the torrent of horsemen that follow, looks right nor left, but never fails to acknowledge with a quick gesture the salutes of the soldiers–all-absorbed, all-observant, silent, inscrutable, he controls and moves armies as he does his horse.

The rider at his side is not less worth marking well. His horse is the ideal war-horse, tall and powerful, and horse and rider look a picture of helmeted knight of old, gaunt, tall, grizzled, with the large Roman nose of will and power, and wearing a slouched hat, the wide brim bent down all around, but not concealing the lightning glance of eyes that are terrible in anger–such is George G. Meade, noblest Roman of them all, relentless fighter, the good General, to whose hearty and wise seconding Grant does not, and the country should not, hesitate to acknowledge the greatest indebtedness.


The Cork (Ireland) Reporter says that the tide of emigration still rolls as vigorously and unceasingly from Queenstown as if it had only commenced. It was remarkable, strikingly apparent, that of those emigrating to America, there is a large increase of young men, strong, stalwart, vigorous fellows, able to work and willing to fight. Indeed, some of them make no secret of the likelihood of their joining the American army.

22, 1864

The Alleged Peace Negotiations.

The following important dispatch from Niagara Falls, 20th, respecting rebel propositions to return to the Union and a semi-official interview between the Confederate Commissioner and Horace Greeley, was published in the New York Times of yesterday:

Two weeks ago, Geo. N. Sanders, C. C. Clay of Alabama, Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, and J. P. Holcomb of Virginia, arrived at the Clifton House, just across the river from this place. Their arrival was duly announced in the public press, and the object of their mission was understood to be to consult with the Democratic leaders of the North in reference to the Chicago Convention.

Results proved, however, that they had a double purpose in view, which was first developed to Horace Greeley, stating that Messrs. Clay, Thompson and Holcomb were duly recognized Commissioners of the Confederate Government, and desired to know what terms could be made for terminating the war between the two sections. He added, however, that these Commissioners were not specially authorized to negotiate for a cessation of hostilities or a restoration of the Union, but that they would like to have an informal conference with such persons as the United States Government might indicate to meet them. These facts having been presented to Mr. Lincoln, he requested Mr. Greeley to act in the matter as he thought desirable under the peculiar circumstances, and stated that he (Mr. L.) should at any time be pleased to receive propositions from those who had been in arms against the Government for a return to their allegiance as duty as citizens of the Union. He also stated that he should be pleased to see the Union restored upon any terms consistent with the present and future safety, welfare, and honor of the Government. Mr. Greeley having settled all preliminaries with Mr. Lincoln, proceeded to this place, reached here last Monday morning, and took up quarters at the International Hotel. A correspondence was at once opened with the Commissioners, and, as a final result, they made the following proposition, and gave it as their opinion that the Richmond Government would approve and ratify the same. The restoration of the Union in status quo upon this basis:

First–All Negroes which have been actually freed by the war, to be secured in such freedom.

Second–All Negroes at present held as slaves to remain so.

Third–The war debt of both parties to be paid by the United States.

Fourth–The old doctrine of State rights to be recognized in reconstructing the Union.

This proposition was laid before Mr. Lincoln by Mr. Greeley. The President at once telegraphed to Mr. Greeley the terms upon which he would propose a settlement and reconstruction, to wit:

The full and complete restoration of the Union in all its territorial integrity; the abandonment of slavery by the seceded states, under condition which should, while respecting the property-rights of all loyal men, afford ample security against another war in the interest of slavery.

After considerable correspondence between the parties, it was concluded to refer the whole matter back to the Governments for reconsideration. All negotiations having been terminated, Mr. Greeley, in company with Mr. Hay, Private Secretary of Mr. Lincoln, called upon the Commissioners at the Clifton House, on the Canada side, where a protracted and pleasant interview was had, and the various questions under consideration were discussed at length. Mr. Greeley left the falls for New York on this afternoon’s train. It is understood that the Commissioners with Sanders and Jewett, are to remain and carry on negotiations with the Democrats. A letter is to be prepared for the Chicago Convention, in which the Commissioners will hold out strong assurances of a restoration of the Union under Democratic auspices. The whole movement is regarded by many as a mere scheme to entrap the Administration into a false position before the country and the world, for the benefit of the disunion of the Democrats.

Bearing upon the same matter, the Times has the following dispatch from Washington, referring to the recent visit of Col. Jaquess and Edward Kirke, the author, to the rebel Capital, and their interviews with Jeff Davis:

Washington, Wednesday, July 20.

An individual, fresh from Richmond, not as a released prisoner, but a honored guest, entertained three days in the capital of the Southern Confederacy, feasted by Jeff Davis, Benjamin and their compeers, having around him the romance and the mystery of an unknown mission, and knowing the secrets if the rebel prison-house, is a rara avis enough to make a sensation even amid the leaden an languid heat of a Washington summer’s day. Such a person, bringing with him all the experiences enumerated, arrived here to-day direct from Richmond by way of Gen. Grant’s headquarters. His name is Col. James F. Jaquess, of the 73d Illinois Volunteers. Colonel, but parson also, being a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Though neither envoy nor ambassador, Col. Jaquess had a mission of his own, clothed with no authority to speak for either President or Government, he appears to have had authority enough of some kind to command a hearing from the principalities and powers that sit in Richmond; in fine, without being a plenipotentiary, he seems to be endowed with a certain species of power behind the throne that caused him to be attentively listened to and kindly treated by the chiefs of the rebellion. ->

Character of his Mission.

Of the real object and end of Col. Jaquess’ mission, I am requested by himself not now to speak. It is perfectly proper to state, however, that it is in no respect official in its character, and that he had no warranty whatsoever to enter into any negotiations between this Government and the rebel authorities. Any statement that would convey a different impression is false. Secondly, it may be stated that though Col. Jaquess’ mission contemplates results of the highest importance, these results are ulterior rather than immediate. Finally, it is warrantable to say that though his mission was one of peace, it was not a peace mission. Col. Jaquess belongs to the church militant and believes most heartily in dealing the rebellion what Hudibras calls “apostolic blows and knocks.” Yet he has faith that the time will come, and is rapidly coming, when an agency of reconciliation which he believes to be of immense value, can be used.

Animated by this sentiment, he succeeded in so impressing his views upon Mr. Lincoln, that the President, without according him the smallest official recognition or authority, was willing, believing his honesty of purpose, that he should try the experiment of a visit to Richmond. Accordingly he gave him a personal recommendation to Gen. Grant to pass him through the lines or otherwise forward his views.

Col. Jaques Goes to Richmond.

Thus aided, Col. Jaquess, accompanied by Mr. Edward Kirke, made his way from Gen. Grant’s headquarters by the north side of the James river, and passing the rebel lines, reached the Confederate Capital. Here they remained for three days–Saturday, Sunday and Monday last. While in Richmond, Col. Jaquess, at his own request, was placed under guard; but he had the entire freedom of the city, and put up during his visit at the Spottswood House, the “crack” hotel of Richmond.

Interviews with the Rebel President.

The Colonel, during his three days’ stay, visited the various Confederate authorities, as well as the prisons and hospitals in which our captives and wounded are confined. He had two prolonged interviews with President Davis in his office in the Custom-house; and although the nature and subject matter of the conversations between himself and the rebel President are not proper for present publication, yet it is understood that Col. Jaquess met with considerable success in impressing his views upon Mr. Davis. When taking his leave, Davis took the Colonel’s hand in both his, shook it warmly and cordially, and stated that, leaving out of view the present struggle, he had the highest respect for his character and aims.

How the Colonel was Entertained.

The Colonel, while a guest at the Spottswood House, fared sumptuously, being fed on chicken turkey, mutton and all the viands of a well-appointed hotel, and entertained with fine brandies and costly wines. His bill would have amounted to more than $500 in Confederate money, but he found it impossible to induce his entertainers to accept any return for the hospitality he had received.

He Visits Various Dignitaries.

Col. Jaquess also had interviews with Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, Mr. Ould, Commissioner of Exchange, and other Confederate dignitaries and authorities.

Character of Col. Jaquess.

Extraordinary though Col. Jaquess’ story, his mission, and all belonging thereto may appear, there can be no doubt whatever of his thorough honesty; and with this quality he appears to be credited both by our own and the rebel authorities. Of his wisdom there may be possibly no question.


A Rise in the Price of Drinks.–Lager beer, as well as all the other luxuries and necessities of life, has “gone up,” and Monday about all the principal saloons in this city and Brooklyn raised the price to ten cents per glass. Liquors and tobacco are now quite costly luxuries. Cobblers and juleps cost from twenty to twenty-five cents each, and good segars from ten to forty cents apiece. The enormous tax on the material for these, together with the paper currency, is what has done it. Liquor dealers claim they do not realize as much profit now in selling a claret punch, or mint julep, at 20 cts., as they did four years ago, when the price was 8. There are places in this city where the “best brandy” retails at a dollar per glass, and twenty-five cents is a very common price. Perhaps there will be little that is valuable lost to the community if the prices of these articles go beyond the means of the majority to indulge in them. “Shoddy” is now importing its own wines from France. Lager became a popular drink shortly after the financial crash of ’57, on account of its comparative cheapness. It may be wondered what will replace it now. Perhaps something worse or something better, but probably nothing so harmless can be made so cheap. “Spreeing” is a much more costly style of amusement now than it ever was before, and the largest fortunes can easily and quickly be exhausted by a course of dissipation, such as is not unusual among persons who have recently become possessed of means.–N. Y. World.

JULY 23, 1864


Temptation to Peace: The New Test.

We cannot resist the conviction that what there is of patriotic virtue and Christian principle in the hearts of the American people is to be put to the severest test within the next year, or the next two years–perhaps within the next three months–to which it has ever been subjected. The motives with which the rebellion was entered upon were missed. There was the lust for power which the leaders saw departing from them, through the growing strength and moral wakefulness of the north; the hatred of northern institutions and northern men engendered by the superior prosperity of the north and its moral hostility to southern institutions; and last, but by no means least, there was the desire to save and perpetuate African slavery, as the basis of productive industry and social order. This last motive was the all powerful one, or the one without which all others would have lacked vitality; and as the war was entered upon to save slavery, so will peace be sought if sought at all, for the same purpose. If the time shall ever come when the southern leaders regard their cause as hopeless, they will, of course, attempt first to save themselves, and, second, to save the system for which they have sacrificed and suffered so much. Even now, there are suggestions thrown out by the known friends of the rebels, touching a sentiment which shall retain so much of the accursed system as the war has left intact, giving to those slaves whom the war has set free their freedom in perpetuity. The democrats in congress have manifested not only their willingness but their determination to stand by the institution of slavery, and to join with the south in any attempt to maintain it and its constitutional protection.

The question as to whether the leading traitors to the country (on whose heads rests all the awful responsibility of the bloody horrors of the past three years) shall be received into political and social fellowship again, and secure a fresh guaranty for the system of slavery, is to come before the loyal people of the country sooner or later. Practically it will come before them between this time and the day of the presidential election. There is no mistaking the fact that an influential portion of the democratic party would be glad to purchase peace, and power at the same time, by a restoration of all rebeldom to political fellowship, and slavery to its old dominating position. It is just as certain that these men will go as far in this direction as they dare to go–just as far as they can carry the masses of their party. The late peace reconnoissance at Niagara Falls was a movement entirely in the interest of the democratic party. The commissioners were no commissioners. They had no authority, and received from the president quite as satisfactory an answer as they expected. All they sought for, or aimed at, was to make capital against the administration, through what they could represent to the people as a disinclination to peace on the part of the president. We shall see the attempt made by a large portion of the democratic press to use the president’s letter as evidence that he does not desire peace; and there is not a paper of the whole crowd, engaging in this style of warfare, which would not approve of treating the rebels in arms, restoring the leaders to their old rights, and retaining slavery. ->

And here will come the test. It is true that war is, and always has been, contrary to the feelings and spirit of the North. All of hate it, lament it and curse the authors of it. It is true that the people of the north are tired of it and long for peace, but the majority of them feel that there are things worse than war. The majority of them feel that to end the war with nothing accomplished but the deaths of hundreds of thousands of brave men, and the accumulation of a debt that will hang about the neck of the union for centuries, would be a disgrace and a shame and a curse, by the side of which the horrors of war are soft and sweet. The majority of them, in their best convictions, feel that to bring back into the national councils the same old bone of contention, and the same old bullies and champions of barbarism, with the same claims and the same spirit, would not be peace, but war, by the side of which the clash of armies on the field would be music. Yet this is the sort of peace which influential men would be willing to accept, if, by it, they could secure power. The North will be asked to take peace on the terms which treason may offer, or be willing to accept, and in the minds of some of the more timid and short-sighted there will be a disposition to take it on these terms. We are not disposed to underrate the strength of the temptation which the plausible calls to peace, so ready on the tongues of demagogues, will bring to a people weary of war; and it is for this reason that we sound the note of warning. In God’s name, have we not had enough of slavery? Have we not had enough of it in our legislation? Have we not suffered long enough from its arrogance and its insolence? Have we not lost enough in blood and treasure in consequence of its treason? Has it not sufficiently corrupted and cursed our politics and our political men? Have we not suffered enough of national disgrace for it? Have we not been sufficiently punished for its tolerance and protection?

Let us not be tempted by our desire for peace to do that, or countenance that which we know to be wrong, and which we know to be shameful. The rebels are rebels still, and their leaders are never again to be received into our national councils. Slavery is what it always was–a sin and a curse. It is under the military ban of the government; and if one Congress will not provide for its constitutional abolition, another will. As a people, we can with honor consent to no other basis of settlement than that indicated by the president in his comprehensive letter “to whom it may concern.” Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the restoration of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, we will consider, and we will consider no other. The assumption of virtue and equal right which the rebel leaders indulge in, cannot possibly be tolerated. They have no virtue. They have no political right in the position which they now occupy. They are rebels against a just government. They are guilty of the most enormous crimes. The blood of our slaughtered brothers calls from the ground against them; and to them and to our living country we owe the duty of extinguishing that system which has been the root of all our difficulty. When we get peace, and we shall get it, let us have a peace that will be worth something–a peace which we can leave to our children as a priceless inheritance–a peace which will permit us to lie down in the grave feeling that there is no cause to fear a recurrence of such times as these. A great work has been placed upon the shoulders of this generation. Let us do it well.

1 This story is true . . .

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