FEBRUARY 5, 1865

The Free Labor System Regulations.

We elsewhere publish the Regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury providing for the employment and general welfare “of all persons within the lines of National Military Occupation within Insurrectionary States formerly held as Slaves, who are or shall become free.”

In the transition state in which Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and Louisiana now are, these Regulations are of deep and abiding interest; indeed, their importance cannot be over estimated, embracing, as they do, he means of guiding and guarding vast populations from an old and deeply-rooted system to a new one. A complete change has taken place and these Regulations at once record the momentous fact in the world’s history, and provide, as it seems best to the authorities, the powers and appliances by which the change is to be vindicated to civilization, which eagerly looks at our every movement, and anxiously awaits the result.

The Regulations, which are issued under orders from Washington, by Mr. Wm. P. Mellen, General Agent of the Treasury Department, are very lengthy and seem to embrace provisions for every possible contingency which may arise on the part of either the freedmen or the employer, or out of the circumstances attending the turning over of this new leaf in our national life.

Of course those personally interested will carefully peruse and preserve the interesting document. We advise all to read it, and with the hope of inciting a curiosity as to its details, present a brief but general review of its salient points and provisions.

Regulation 1 provides for carrying out the system as herein laid down by the same agents, and under the same supervision as are provided for commercial intercourse. 2 provides for the establishment of Home Colonies in each Special Agency. 3 defines the duties of the Superintendent of Colonies. 4 makes it incumbent that all Negroes, when received, shall be classified for the purposes of labor; and also settles the wages of these respective classes. Sound male persons of class 1, over 18 and under 40 years of age, shall receive not less than $25 per month. The other classes will receive $20 and $15 respectively; females $18, $14 and $10 per month. 5 provides that no one over the age of twelve shall be permitted to remain in idleness. 6, planters hiring parents must also take the children, unless the parents prefer to leave them in the colonies. 7 defines the agreements to be entered into between employers and employees, and also the penalty for violation of contract. 8 shows that an interest in the profits of labor may be given instead of wages. 9 and 10 allude to the care of the aged and infirm, and suggest that benevolent associations may, under certain conditions, be assigned the charges of the Home Colonies. 11, 12 and 13 provide for the establishment of Freedmen’s Labor Colonies, to promote habits of industry out of abandoned and confiscated lands; their assignment to associations on certain conditions; and the establishment of schools therein. 14 prescribes the penalties for ill-usage of freedmen. Ill usage is to be regard as sufficient ground for a forfeiture of contract; and if the case is an aggravated one, the lease of the plantation can be cancelled. Superintendents are charged with the investigation of complaints. 15 states that each Superintendent must furnish the Secretary of the Treasury, and the proper Supervising Special Agent, with a monthly record of all transactions and accounts relating to his colony; and that all expenses must be authorized and approved by the Secretary of the Treasury. ->

To the fifteen regulations thus indicated, and each of which might be made the subject of interesting and extended comment, is appended an extract from the Commercial Intercourse Regulations of the Treasury relating to plantation supplies.

In order to carry out the provisions of the law on the subject, to provide employment for Freedmen, superintend their welfare, encourage the cultivation of plantations now abandoned, and to induce planters to work their lands, Mr. Mellen, as General Agent, promulgates a series of local rules for the administration of the first, second, and third agencies. These, with the regulations condensed above, forma  complete system which might truly be designated the “Freedmen’s Code.”

We notice some of the most important features of these Local Rules. Lessees shall deliver to the Supervising or Assistant Special Agent of the District one-eighth part, and each owner of a plantation, one-tenth part of all the products raised on such plantation for sale, except that in sugar planting, not less than one-thirteenth shall be delivered in addition to the cane left for seed, which share shall be promptly gathered, prepared and delivered ready for transportation, in full consideration for the leasing or registering of such plantation, and the protection and privileges conferred by the Government; and they shall not be subject to the payment of any other tax or charges upon the crops produced, except State taxes, the internal revenue tax, and commercial intercourse fees. In cases of loss occasioned by the enemy coming upon any plantation, the lessee or owner shall be compensated out of the proceeds of the sale of the above share, to an amount not exceeding one-half of the same.

Lessees and owners shall be compensated for supporting helpless freed persons. When a doubt rests in the mind of the Agent as to the capacity of an applicant for a plantation, a deposit of a dollar an acre will be required, which will be forfeited if the lessee does not work all the tillable land leased. One-half of the laborer’s wages is to be punctually paid every month, and the other half at the end of the year. The employer is to furnish a suitable and separate tenement for each family, with fuel, medical attendance, and an acre of ground for garden purposes. For all work over ten hours, daily, the laborer is to be paid extra. He is not to work on Sunday, and to have half of every Saturday to cultivate his acre. Neglect, absence or refusal to work on the part of the laborer shall cause him to forfeit the wages due him, one-half going to the Government and the other to the employer. All children between the ages of six and twelve must attend school; and the marriage contract and the assumption of a family name be enforced.

Major General Canby, Rear Admiral S. P. Lee, commanding the Mississippi Squadron, and Commodore J. S. Palmer, commanding the West Gulf Blockading Squadron, have also issued orders directing the co-operation of their respective commands in carrying out the Freedmen’s Code.

FEBRUARY 6, 1865

The Certainty of Our Success.

If the faint-hearted and the doubting in this contest–those whose lack of faith in the success of a great and a just cause leads them to believe we are to be subjugated and blotted out of existence–would read the philosophy of past events, and confide in the moral sublimity and certain triumph of truth and justice, their ill-grounded fears would disappear in the promises of the future; whilst hope, like a beautiful rainbow, would light up the darkness of their souls. Such as were prompted by principle and a well grounded faith in taking up the cross of the South did so because they honestly believed they were right. They trusted to the justice of the act, and confided in the certainty of final success. They believed an overruling Providence was on our side, who would conduct us safely to the desired end. And who is so weak in faith as to doubt it?

History furnishes many instances of the success of just rebellions, in which nations and people have been permanently sundered by civil strife. The empire of Alexander the Great, composed of a like people, governed by the same laws, speaking the same language, and owning the same literature, in course of time was permanently separated by internal strife.

Italy affords another instance of a people for ages divided by similar causes, without any distinction in law, language or literature, with no natural barriers to a permanent union, aside from the existence of inherent causes. The rebellion of the British colonies, and the severance of the Spanish dependencies in Europe and America are still more striking illustrations. In all these, as in the present rebellion, there were causes at work against which the combined powers of the world could not have prevailed.

Let us cite, however, another instance more directly to the point, in which the special Providence of God was manifest–the secession of the Ten Tribes of Israel. Those Tribes were all of the same people–divided by no natural boundary, and living in a compact union; yet they were separated from each other and were never united again. God severed that union, that individual nations might be built up in honor of Him; and they became such for hundreds of years.

As certain as the wisdom of the Almighty may be seen as the ruling agency in these affairs of men, will it manifest itself again in the building up of this into a great nation.

He creates nations, fixes their boundaries, and rules them through invisible agencies, with an eye to the good of his people.

The weak-kneed and the timid may as well cease to strive against the decrees of destiny, for however dark the periods, and however perilous the ordeals through which we pass, we believe the God of Heaven has ordained us a separate people, and that he will vouchsafe to us independence in his own good time, despite the misgivings of the weak in faith, or the blind who may not see in the current of events, the certain tide that is to bear us safely into port.

We may not be near the end in view; yet it is none the less certain of attainment. The enemy may occupy sections of country hitherto untouched by him; yet like Hannibal, after sixteen years of almost undisputed possession of Italy, which country he had come to view as his own–they will sooner or later be forced to abandon our territory, give up the fruitless task, and return to their land, from the hopeless attempt to enslave a people determined to be free.

The Home of Jefferson.

A gentleman who attended the sale a few weeks ago, furnishes the following particulars: The day of sale of the confiscated estate if the late Capt. Uriah P. Levy, U. S. N., at Monticello, attracted a large concourse of visitors. Among them was Capt. Jonas P. Levy, brother of the deceased owner of Monticello. After the Deputy Marshal had proclaimed the decree of the District Court, C. S. A., and the terms of the sale, Captain Levy stated that he did not come there to interfere with or prevent the sale in any way, and that while he, for the present, waived his rights in the premises, he intended to bid for the property himself.

The Deputy Marshal then stated that one acre of the place, the Cemetery of Thomas Jefferson, was reserved in the sale, and Captain levy said his mother was also interred on the place, and he hoped whoever became the purchaser of Monticello would let her rest in peace. Monticello was put up, and he first bid was $20,000, the last $80,500, and Lieutenant Colonel B. F. Fickin the purchaser.

The land at Buckeye, 961 acres, bought, it is said, for the Confederate Government, at $88 per acre, $81,685, by J. H. Parker.

Four Negro fellows sold respectively for $5,400, $7,000, and $7,850, and three girls from 5 to 9 years old, for $11,000.

The bust of Mr. Jefferson, which stood in the hall on a fluted Corinthian pedestal, brought only $50, and will retain its place, as Mr. Fickin re-purchased it. The piano forte brought $5,000. The model of the U. S. frigate Vandala was bought by J. P. Levy for $100. The bust of Voltaire was sold, but what it brought I do not know. It was said to have been Mr. Jefferson’s. The amount of the sale was $350,000.

In one of the rooms in the upper story was the body of a chair or one-horse sulky, which Mr. Jefferson used to ride in from Monticello to Philadelphia, when he was Secretary of State.

Standing in front of the house, a piece of land of 200 acres, was pointed out to me by Mr. Randolph, which Mr. Jefferson purchased for a bowl of punch, and several hundred acres for 5 cents.

Visitors have defaced the walls of the house by scribbling their names over them. Hundreds of them can be seen and read on each side of the front entrance to the hall; pieces of the bust of Mr. Jefferson were chipped off, chairs, tables, mirrors, vases, broken and destroyed, and in some cases, mementoes of rare virtue an art have been purloined, while the family resided there, as well as in their absence. And the monument of the immortal Jefferson has been sadly defaced, and the fragments carried off as trophies or mementoes from a sacred shrine. Shame, shame, upon our thoughtless countrymen; why should they be so disrespectful to the sepulcher of the great patriot of the Revolution.–Richmond Courier.

7, 1865

The Hampton Roads Peace Conference.

As matters pertaining to what will probably be known in history as the Hampton Roads Conference continue to possess a general interest, we give below some details of the conference from a correspondent of the Tribune:

The conference opened with reminiscences of the old Washington life and inquiries after common friends and acquaintances. Stephens was worn, and had a look of anxiety and weariness. This justly should be imputed to the disease which unceasingly saps and wastes the vitality of the ablest and bravest of Americans. Hunter was in fine condition, and lofty and confident as of yore. Campbell, too, was his old self. All were marked with strength, assurance of the future, and consciousness of power. There was no one of them a trace of suppliance; not one was in look, word or carriage a suitor for peace.

The salver of the Plenipotentiary from Africa (Stephens’s servant) bridged the passage over topics of kindly and pleasant talk to a significant inquiry of Stephens how nearly the extension of the Capitol was completed, and the expression of a desire to go to Washington to see. Mr. Seward told him of the condition of the work, and invited him to come and look at the Capitol of a reunited Republic. The terms of peace were thus gradually approached. When fully reached on the rebel side Stephens took the parole and surpassed all his old exhibitions of persuasiveness, shrewdness, force, tact and courage in putting the demands and the rights of the Confederacy. In the midst of them, and at the conclusion of one of his points, Mr. Lincoln swung forward on the lower hinge of his back and interrupted: “That reminds me of the story of a man out in Illinois!” Stephens, Hunter and Campbell instantly jumped up in a roar of merriment.

The interruption caused by this characteristic outbreak, and the apt story which followed being through with, the Rebel Vice President resumed, and pursued to the end of his statement the rights of the Confederate States and the terms on which he thought they would be willing to stop the war. Recognition was the first of them. The proposition for an armistice was, of course,  logical sequence.

It is very certain that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward were surprised at striking this snag in the very outset of the conference. The preliminary groping and feeling around by our pioneer of peace and his assurance and convictions, had led to the belief that the three envoys had entered our lines to talk of a restored Union and a common country. They had stayed about two days at army headquarters; in conversations there with Gens. Grant, Meade and one or two other generals, Stephens professed to love the old Union, to be as much as ever in his feelings as an American of the United States, and deplored the necessity which politics placed him and all the leaders of the Rebellion in to have something to give to the decimated and impoverished people of the South for their sacrifices. It is understood that they declared at headquarters, that if we would recognize them for only a week, or any suitable length of time, to satisfy the pride of their people, they would pledge their honor to bring about reunion. ->

Whatever was the precise character of their admissions or intimations, our peace prospectors went to Fortress Monroe on what they felt was a sure thing.

Of the whole character of the whole interview the country can judge from what Mr. Lincoln said to a general officer on Saturday: “We could not do anything with them whatever.”

They stood on recognition. Mr. Seward considered their claims argumentatively. He kindly and courteously spoke of our larger resources, and of our certainty of victory in the end. They insisted on recognition. The utter inadmissibility of this demand and of their other and consequential demands was demonstrated. They were immovable–they stood for recognition.

Mr. Stephens, more flexible and polite than his associates, proposed and argued his craft scheme of a temporary recognition, repeating at length the considerations he had urged at Gen. Grant’s headquarters; but on recognition, absolute or temporary, the three Commissioners stood like stocks.

The editor of the Tribune is not inclined to believe, maugre all reports to the contrary, that the peace effort was a failure. He says: “We believe in an early peace; but we do not even guess just how or when it will come, and we feel certain that it will be hastened by the most prompt and vigorous provision for continuing the war.”

The National Intelligencer of yesterday says editorially: “We almost state by authority when we say that the rebel leaders who attended the recent Conference, declared that civil war would follow in the South were a proposition of restoration to be submitted to the Southern people. Now this sentiment is either a wanton misrepresentation of the facts in the South, or it means that there is a formidable Union sentiment in the Southern States ready to take up arms for the old flag. For certainly we cannot suppose that these men meant by such declaration that they would be glad to hazard the proposition as a government for restoration if they were not fearful that the unpopularity of such a step might lead to revolt against themselves.”

The financial writer for the N. Y. World says peace is considered more than probable by the business men of that city, and that it is desired by a very powerful and numerous party in the rebel States.

8, 1865

Capt. Marcy and the Soldiers.

The following letter illustrates the character of Daniel Marcy. The case it describes is but one of many of similar description that might be given, the facts of which are known only to the few directly interested. The main facts of this characteristic instance of Capt. Marcy’s noble generosity were given last summer by the correspondent of the Statesman, who stated that it was but a sample of his charitable doings in the same line. Let the fathers and brothers of soldiers read and reflect upon the touching tale of this bereaved and grateful father, and let them bear in mind that they and their sons and brothers may be in a condition to need just such aid as was so generously given in this case. This cruel war is to continue for years, and hundreds of New Hampshire men are to suffer and die far away from home and friends; and what a consolation it would be to their friends to feel that there is a man near the suffering ones who has the heart and the means to minister to their comfort. This feeling alone should be sufficient to induce all such in this district to cast their votes for Daniel Marcy:

Sanbornton Bridge, N. H.,
January 20, 1865.

My Dear Sir:–You inquire of me for the facts in the case of Henry, my son, whose recent death has caused me and my family so much distress. Also, what agency the Hon. Daniel Marcy had in that melancholy affair. I certainly can have no hesitation in giving them to you. They are substantially these: Henry enlisted in Co. D, 12th N. H. Reg., in August, 1861, and was well and active in the Union cause until the battle of Cold harbor, which, as you will recollect, happened on the 3d day of June 1864. At this time he was acting as Sergeant, and as far I can learn had won by his military conduct the good will of his superior officers as well as that of the soldiers. During that engagement he was wounded severely, and as it proved, mortally. He was carried from the field and, as soon as could be, sent to Emery Hospital in Washington. I was notified of his dangerous condition and immediately left home for the purpose of visiting him. I found him suffering extremely, and at once entered upon the duty of doing all that I could for him. I was a stranger and alone in the city. The terrible scenes which were there continually passing before me, together with the sad condition and almost certain fate Henry, unusually depressed me. I can truthfully assure you that I have no language in which I can adequately describe my feelings to you. While in this state, I was one day approached by a noble looking man who at once entered into conversation with me and Henry. He soon learned I was from New Hampshire and took a deep interest in Henry’s case and seemed to manifest towards him and myself great sympathy. He assured me of his disposition to do all in his power, and most nobly did he redeem his promise. On parting he gave me his address and urged me to call on him for anything I should need. It was then that I learned for the first time, for I had never seen him before, that this kind and generous hearted man was a Member of Congress, and that his name was Daniel Marcy. God bless him, as he comforted my poor dying boy, and aided me in my forlorn condition. ->

I subsequently saw him almost every day in his visits to the hospital and know that on all these occasions he had a kind word and a generous deed for the poor, sick and wounded soldiers. At one time I saw him give a poor man who had lost his son $50 to pay his expenses home. Nor was this the only instance. I know of his frequently doing similar acts while I was there, but I have no knowledge of any other person in Washington giving any such sympathy or aid, certainly not to me.

Henry died August 29th. Capt. Marcy soon after came to me and with much feeling inquired into my circumstances and wishes in bringing my son’s body to New Hampshire. I frankly told him I should like to do so, but had not the means, as you know I am a poor man. Well, said the noble hearted man, if I were in your condition I should like to do the same, and I will do by you as I should wish others would do by me in similar circumstances. It shall be done. He at once procured the body to be embalmed, and paid $40 for it. He then gave me $20, and subsequently $10 more, and either paid my board bill or persuaded the officers in charge to give it in, I know not which. Nor was this all this Samaritan did for me. He kindly on several occasions showed me all that I wished to see in and about our National Capital, and finally said to me that if I needed anything more, to call on him.

Thus, my dear sir, have I briefly given you the facts in relation to the death of Henry and the kindness which he and I received at the hands of the Hon. Daniel Marcy. By his generosity I was enabled to bring his remains to our own home. They now rest quietly in our family burying ground, where the bugle blasts of war shall wake him no more. I can assure you it is a continual source of comfort to us all, father and mother, brother and sister, that they are now so near us, where we can easily care for his narrow home. O, what a grief to us it would ever have been had I been obliged to have buried him far away from our home in a land of stranger! Yet such must inevitably have been the case had it not been for the sympathetic and large hearted Daniel Marcy. All honor to him then, who so gloriously honors his official position as well as our common manhood.

I understand he has been nominated for a re-election. I have no doubt if the soldiers who know him could settle the question, he would be most triumphantly elected, as I sincerely hope he will be.1

Yours truly,

Elias S. Buzzell.


Cost of Printing Currency.–In a debate in the U. S. House of Representatives on Thursday week, Mr. Washburne of Illinois asked Mr. Garfield (one of the committee) this question: “Whether it did not cost over $300,000 to print $312,000 (of postage currency) under the experiment” of dry printing? Mr. Dawes intimated that the head of the bureau who made the contract for the printing is part owner of the patent under which the paper is made for the new kind of printing. At that rate of expense it would be a question whether it would not be cheaper for the country, as well as better, to coin money at the Mint than to print it in Washington–says the Worcester Palladium.


A Pleasant Affair.–In December last, Mr. Elizur Smith of this town (says the Lee Gleaner of the 2d inst.,) inaugurated a new and happy feature in social life in this village, between manufacturers and employees, by presenting to each family in his employ a nice fat goose for Christmas. Of course such recognition  by their employer was very happily received by his work people, and now they have very handsomely retaliated by procuring, unbeknownst to him, a splendid chased silver tea service, consisting of 45 pieces, and valued at nearly $500. The was procured by the men in his employ, and was placed on exhibition in the show window of B. A. Morey’s drug store through the day on Wednesday. The women and girls employed by him have also procured as their token of kind regards a beautifully bound family Bible, valued at $50, and a splendid photograph album, of about the same cost, all of which are to be presented to Mr. Smith this evening.

Mr. Smith has also arranged to give all his hands an oyster supper this (Thursday) evening, in one of the halls in the 2d story of Northrup’s Block, and provides music for a dance in the large hall above at the same time. Such harmony existing between an employer and his help, embracing some 400 persons, is really very commendable, and we trust it may long continue.

The tea service is inscribed as follows: “Presented to Mr. and Mrs. Elizur Smith, by his employees, Feb. 2, 1865.”


Mr. Elizur Smith of Lee made a splendid party on Thursday evening last, on the occasion of his marriage, for some 300 of his friends. The refreshments and music were brought from the city.


Fire at Lee.–At 4 o’clock on Thursday afternoon, the “Crow Hollow” Paper Mill of Mr. Elizur Smith, formerly owned by White & Hulbert, was totally destroyed, with its contents, by fire–the work, as believed by some, of an incendiary. The mill has been recently refitted by Mr. Smith, and placed in fine order, and its product was 4,000 lbs. of news paper daily. The mill was purchased by Mr. Smith at a low figure, and could not be rebuilt and filled with machinery for less than probably $30,000. There was a partial insurance on the building, machinery, stock, &c., but the precise amount we do not learn.

Mr. Smith was married on Thursday afternoon, and about the hour of the fire, and it is greatly regretted by his friends that such as event should have occurred to interrupt the enjoyment of the happy occasion.


Lee.–The loss in the burning of the Columbia paper mill, belonging to Mr. Elizur Smith, at Lee, on Thursday afternoon last, is estimated at $50,000; insured for $30,000, in the Western Mass., Home of New Haven, Corn Exchange and Security of New York, Fire & Marine of Springfield, each $5,000; and the People’s and Bay State of Worcester, $2500 each. Preparations are already being made for rebuilding the mill, of brick and stone.


The Lady’s Repentance.–A young lady was addressed by a young man, who, though agreeable to her, was disliked by her father. Of course he would not consent to the union, and she determined to elope. The night was fixed, the hour came, he placed the ladder to the window, and in a few minutes she was in his arms. They mounted a double horse, and were soon at some distance from the house. After a while the lady broke silence by saying, “Well, you see what a proof I have given you of my affection; I hope you will make me a good husband.” He was a surly fellow, and gruffly answered, “Perhaps I may and perhaps not.” She made no reply, but after a silence of some minutes she suddenly exclaimed, “Oh! what shall I do? I have left my money behind me in my room!” “Then,” said he, “we must go back and fetch it.” They were soon again at the house, the ladder again placed, the lady re-mounted, while the ill-natured lover waited below. But she delayed to come, and so he gently called, “Are you coming?” when she looked out the window and said, “Perhaps I may and perhaps not,” and then shut down the window, and left him to return upon the double horse alone. Was that not a happy thought on the lady’s part–a famous joke?–Life of Dr. Raffles.


The capture of the 8th Ohio cavalry at Beverly, Va., a few days ago, was effected while the officers were at a ball to which they had been invited by secesh citizens. Some of Rosser’s men, dressed in Federal uniform, relieved the tired sentinels, and when everything was ready, the trap was sprung, and the whole regiment captured without a shot being fired. If a few of the officers should be shot by sentence of court-martial, such affairs would be less frequent in nature.


Deferred Items.

The managers of the Erie Railroad have determined to put a telegraph line in Bergen Tunnel, and to light it up with Drummond or calcium light, to insure safety. Every tunnel in the country used by railroads should be lighted.

The hat which Gen. Sherman wore in his victorious march through Georgia is now in the possession of J. V. Browne, Esq., of Salem, Mass., who received it direct from his brother at Savannah. The Gazette affirms that the “pedigree of the hat is unquestionable.”

A meal of victuals in Richmond costs $15, and a glass of whisky $5.

England devoured 3,000,000,000 imported eggs last year.

The colored citizens of New Orleans own real estate to the value of $15,000,000.

The Pennsylvania Legislature is considering the propriety of taxing dogs.

10, 1865

The Confederate Navy: What it has Accomplished.
[From the Richmond Sentinel.]

The total expenditures on account of our navy, since the beginning of the war, does not exceed $80,000,000, or as much as it had cost the enemy to build its condemned Monitors up to June, 1864. What have we to show for this sum? In noble efforts, that the open hostility, if not the secret perfidy of foreign powers have frustrated, we could show enough to do full credit to the whole amount. That, however, would be profitless in all except proof of glorious endeavor. But we can show this–the destruction of one hundred and ninety-one vessels belonging to the enemy’s commerce. That, for a direct blow, dealt at the very vitals of our foe, is much; there is much more within it and beyond it, and because of it, of an equally telling character.

We have to be concise and cautious, but may be precise at the same time. Take, then, a hurried résumé of some particulars to which we have gained access. The steamer Sumter, under the gallant Semmes, captured seventeen vessels in her cruise, from July 3, 1861, to January 17, 1862–three ships, five brigs, six barks, and three schooners, for a half year’s work. The Alabama, under the same naval hero, captured sixty-three vessels from Sept., 1862, to January, 1864. The greater number of these were very valuable ships, and all but nine of them were burned at sea. In the number is included the United States gunboat Hatteras (eight guns, one hundred and eight men, and eighteen officers) which was sunk in open fight on the 11th of January, 1863. To this list of the Alabama’s captures have to be added two vessels brought by her tender, the Tuscaloosa. One of her captures was subsequently commissioned as a cruiser under our flag, as in the case of other captures by other cruisers.

The steamer Tallahassee, under the command of the intrepid Taylor Wood, captured thirty-three vessels during the month of August, 1864. His dashing cruise along the American coast, northward, was shorn of its richer fruits by the chilling courtesy of the British authorities in Nova Scotia, on whose unfair conduct we had occasion to animadvert at the time. Of the captures made by Commander Wood, two were ships, four brigs and four barks, the remainder being, for the most part, sea going and large tonnage schooners. Only five of the whole number were bonded and two released, all the rest having been either burned or scuttled.

The Chickamauga, under the command of John Wilkinson, who has no professional superior in the service, in a short cruise last November, captured and destroyed seven vessels–one ship, four barks and two schooners. The Georgia, in a few weeks, captured and destroyed seven ships and two barks. The Florida–but enough of such details. Here are the shorter mathematical results of all–Fifty-eight ships, thirty-two brigs, forty-one barks, fifty-seven schooners–pilot boats and small steamers “extra”–all disposed of at sea since the war by a Power which has, popularly, “no navy.”

To estimate the value of these captures let us strike an average. The Jacob Bell–one of the most valuable–as set down as worth at least $2,000,000, ship and cargo; the Orelea, at proven value, $950,000; the Star of Peace at $900,000; the Anglo-Saxon at $85,000–others more and others less. Allow for the few bonded, and then draw a moderate average–say $500,000 for each ship and cargo, and you have about $30,000,000 worth of property in ships destroyed at once. The brig Estelle was valued, under mark, at $130,000, the Windward at $44,000–say for each brig and cargo, $50,000, and you have $1,600,000 additional.

Carrying out the great moderation of this estimate, set each bark down at $40,000 and each schooner at $25,000, (several of both were three times either amount,) and you have an aggregate of $34,605,000 destroyed directly by our navy. Is that nothing? ->

Ask the New York Chamber of Commerce and take its doleful answer. But that is only as to the direct loss inflicted. How are we to give, or get, an approximate estimate of the indirect damage done to the enemy’s commerce? Only by indirect means, and we take these to be some such.

In 1850 the aggregate United States tonnage sold to foreigners was 13,647; in 1860 it was about the same; while in 1863 it was 1,500,000. This covers the “white washing” process, and has sent more than one line of American clippers, usually hailing from New York or Boston or Baltimore, to sea as Liverpool or London vessels.2 Has that change of figures no tale to tell for the little navy? Does it say nothing “eloquently well” for “indirect loss?”

But more: In 1830 there was employed in the United States coasting trade (deducting the Southern coasts) an enrolled and licensed tonnage equal to 406,978; in 1840 this had augmented to 983,518; ten years later it stood at 1,300,210; and in 1860 it had swollen to the splendid proportions of 1,735,863. What is it now? On Yankee semi-official authority, in 1863, it had dwindled down to what it was in 1840. In giving these diminishing numbers, the Shipping Journal (Weymouth, England,) significantly says: “The ravages of Confederate cruisers will soon have frightened the Federal coasting trade into its narrow dimensions of 1830.”

Still more: The New Bedford Standard, of a recent date, (as quoted in the United States news of this journal on the 4th inst.,) tells us that, whereas the tonnage engaged in the whale fishing in 1846 was 230,218, it does not now reach 80,000 tons. In the first of this set of figures we detect an under statement; for the official records show that, in 1846, the American tonnage in the whale fishing was 439,580.

It would not do to note the vastness of the fall–its force had to be lightened. To allow this fact its full weight, we should remember that, in 1846, whale oil sold at 60 cents; now it sells, according to the above Bedford paper, at $1.95½ a gallon; and bone that sold in 1846 at a dime a pound now brings nearly $2.

To these self-reasoning waifs add this most suggestive one: “The insurance on vessels trading with the States is alarming,” cries the Portland Gazette of September 21st, 1864.3 “None of us can be blind enough not to see that our own direct shipping interests are in a ruinous condition, as well from the effects of exorbitant insurance as from the cowardly prudence of ship owners.

“The policy pursued at Lloyd’s, which sets the example of the insurance office, is an evil that may do us permanent harm if it is not at once corrected. Between the poltroonery of ship owners and Confederate privateers, our shipping interest must give way. At present we know of few American ships–genuine American bottoms–except such as carry guns aboard. Is not this deplorable?” Very; but we hope the condition that has brought it about will increase daily, until only peace shall make room for other American vessels than gunboats.

We have exhausted our space, but by no means the evidence, direct and indirect, which we could adduce in proof of the pleasing fact that our little navy has been vehemently, yet, in some sense, noiselessly at work, wherever it could accomplish most. The subject, with the attestations that pertain to it, is one to which we shall recur for the further information and gratification of the public whom it so nearly concerns.

FEBRUARY 11, 1865


Davis Makes a Speech.

The rebel peace commissioners have returned to Richmond and made their report, which was duly transmitted by Mr. Davis to Congress. On the evening of the 6th, a large concourse, in response to the invitation of Gov. Smith, assembled at the African church, to fire anew the flames of southern enthusiasm.4 Richmond papers give glowing accounts of the earnestness and spirit that characterized the speeches. Davis himself addressed the assemblage, saying that he had appointed the best men of the South to see what terms could be obtained from the federal government, without ever entertaining much hope that they would succeed in attaining a satisfactory adjustment. He asserted peremptorily that no condition of peace save the independence of the confederacy could ever receive his sanction. He doubted not the approval of Providence, and with the united resolve of the southern people, he believed that victory would certainly crown their efforts. At the close of his speech, a series of resolutions were passed, spurning the terms of the President of the United States, and pledging lives, liberty and honor to the cause.

The Sentinel compares the condition of the South to that of Rome after the battle of Cannæ. It proceeds to fire the southern hearts in the following strain:

“The decree has already gone forth confiscating our lands and liberating our slaves. Nay, more; the latter are now enlisted in the armies of our enemy, and made to fight against us; and, with a refinement upon the usual arts of irritation, constituted police guards in our captured cities, to visit insolence upon their late owners. If we be subjugated, it will be the first instance in which the white man has been forced to act as a menial to the African. That all this, and worse, if possible, is in store for us if we do not speedily repel or check the invader, is apparent enough in the coarse, savage , taunting reply of Lincoln to our commissioners. That reply has filled to overflowing the cup of our overbearance. We see and feel around us that there are no more reconstructionists, no more submissionists, no more peace men. A terrible reaction is inaugurated. The spirit of 1861 is revived. We are reinvigorated with the resolve to conquer or die. Deserters will return to our ranks, and those who delay to do so will be hunted and shot down in their lurking places like beasts of prey. Concert of action, zealous co-operation is all that is needed to insure success, and the insulting reply of Lincoln to our commissioners will beget these on the instant. Every man now sees and feels that a fate worse than death awaits him if we do not win success. Under such circumstances it should be easy to emulate, if not surpass, Roman virtue.


Important from Tennessee.

A correspondent of the Chicago Journal writing from Nashville under date of the 3d inst., says the war may be considered as practically at an end in that section. “True, the 50,000 cavalry under Thomas and Canby will sweep over the States of Mississippi and Alabama as soon as the weather will permit, and many places now nominally held by the rebels will fall into our hands and numerous railroads, at present useful to the enemy, will be destroyed, and two or three rivers of great importance will be opened to our gunboat fleet; but all this will require no serious fighting; it will not be war, as that term has been understood the last three year–only a mere raid will be required.” ->

He says the latest intelligence from Dick Taylor’s (late Hood’s) army is to the effect that it has been concentrated at Tupelo, Miss., and is in a miserable condition. The men are very much demoralized, and not twelve thousand of these could be collected for fighting purposes.

It is stated on good authority that secret peace meetings are being held all over Alabama and Georgia and in a portion of Mississippi. In some places the peace men are so bold as to assemble openly. There is a strong pressure upon Gov. Watts of Alabama to send commissioners to Washington to arrange for a return of the state into the Union; so strong is this demand, it is said, that he must either yield or prepare for a counter-revolution, which will be led by no less a person than Gen. Roddy. He is at the head of a considerable forces, and is only awaiting the conclusion that the Governor will arrive at; and he will not tarry much longer.

Possessing a knowledge of this disaffection, Gen. Thomas was emboldened to send at least ten thousand more men to the East than he would otherwise have done. He knows, also, that Hood’s army is reduced and that recruits cannot be obtained to strengthen it. Thomas was to start the middle of this week from Eastport to move immediately “on the enemy’s works.”

The Union men of Tennessee are doing all in their power to reorganize the State. They are confident of polling sixty-five thousand votes, which will secure the State recognition at once.


A staff officer of the 9th corps writes that as the rebel peace commissioners were being escorted out of our lines, one of them turned to Gen. Grant, and said:

“General, I am anxious to have peace, and I would be willing to leave the settlement to you and Gen. Lee.”

“Well,” replied Grant, “I propose to settle it with Lee this summer.”


A company of forty-three women recently attempted to flee from the bonds of Mormonism in Utah, but they were overtaken and carried back to their masters.


Juvenile Thieves.–Three lads, all under thirteen years of age, were arrested last night for stealing money from the store of N. W. Loomis, corner of Main and Avon streets. Thursday night $1.75 was taken, and last night $3.00. With the funds thus obtained, the youngsters attended the minstrel performance at Allyn Hall, where they were found by Officer Warburton and conveyed to the station house. We omit their names out of respect to their parents, to whose mortification we have no desire to add.

1 This story is supported by genealogical records, although Elias Buzzell (or the newspaper) got Henry’s death date wrong: he succumbed to his wounds on 29 June (as per his tombstone), not 29 August 1864. His service record, as presented by his father, is accurate and, given the ferocity with which newspapers pounced on trumped up reports in competing journals, Marcy’s supposed generosity and compassion can also be assumed to be true. Daniel Marcy was not, however, reelected.

2 “white washing” refers to reflagging a ship to register her in another country, so as to make her a neutral vessel.

3 waif in this instance means “a stray item or article.”

4 The irony of Jefferson Davis addressing a meeting at “the African church” to rekindle Southern enthusiasm for maintaining the slave-holding aristocracy is too incredible to resist comment, but there is really nothing more that can be said!

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