, 1862

The Brokers

We are informed that certain individuals took upon themselves to circulate an anonymous placard denouncing the dealers in gold and silver, obnoxious to public indignation, and to call on them personally, demanding that they should discontinue their business, which they were conducting under license from the State and city authorities, for which licenses they had paid large sums of money.

This assumption of power is highly reprehensible. If the business is deemed prejudicial, the Governor or Mayor should issue a proclamation suspending the operation of the license, returning to the dealers a due proportion of the money they had paid therefor.

If the Board of Currency, the Governor, Mayor or a Committee from the Chamber of Commerce, had called on the dealers in coin, suggesting to them that their traffic was considered injurious to public credit, they would with one accord have cheerfully discontinued that business. This would have been far better than for anonymous individuals to have attempted to overthrow it by mob law.

However praiseworthy the motives of these individuals may be, they may not have well considered the operation of the interdiction they wish to enforce.

The question to be considered is, when the public find that they are not allowed to exchange their bank money or currency notes for gold or silver on any terms, will they be more willing to sell their merchandise for currency notes than if no such obstacle existed?

If the dealers are not allowed to purchase, they cannot supply those who wish to convert their paper into gold and silver. They are not men who hoard it up; the profit of their business consists in turning it over rapidly.

Monopolizing salt, flour, pork and other necessaries of life, and supplying the army, as well as the poor, at five or ten prices, is far more objectionable than dealing in gold and silver.


Charleston and Savannah Defences.—We derive this gratifying intelligence from the Charleston Courier, of the 28th ult.:

Our brave, wise-headed and wise-hearted General, Robert E. Lee, we are authorized to say, feels every assurance of his ability to defend Charleston against any force now at the disposal of the enemy, if our people will but rally with proper spirit to the standard of their invaded country. A confidence is also entertained that the enemy do not meditate any immediate assault on our city. They must be largely reinforced before they dare attack us.

We are further gratified to be able to say, on authority, that our cherished and generous sister city, Savannah, enjoys a prospect every whit as favorable as our own, and that she is able to repel three times the hostile force now arrayed against her, but too politic to strike without a certainty of victory.

Let our people then be of good cheer, but still let them gird on and burnish their armor for battle—above all let them trust in God and keep our arms ready and our powder dry.


Uniforms of Officers.—We have seen in the streets many an officer wearing on his coat to show his rank, the badge adopted by the United States Government. Some others, for fear people might mistake their rank, wear, in friendly neighborhoods, the C.S. and U.S. badges. We think this is wrong; officers ought to adopt exclusively our Southern badges.

Streets and Numbers.—Nearly one year ago we called attention of our city authorities to the confusion worse confounded into which are necessarily thrown strangers, in this city, by our manner of numbering the houses and naming the streets. Since that time, no improvement whatever has been made in regard to this, though we are informed parties who contracted to attend to this work have received their pay in full. We could mention whole rows of houses in the lower districts so strangely numbered that the bewildered passer-by in quest of information must necessarily give up the task. What can he do, when he sees, for instance, on one door the number 69, on the next 342, and on the third one 88, on the fourth one 404, and so on to the end of the row? We would say the same of the names of the streets; on some boards there is the new name of the street, and at the next corner the old one. In the Third District many streets have no board at all at any of their corners. Could not the Council see that the work already paid for be performed sooner or later?


The 18th Louisiana’s Skirmish.—We are permitted by the gentleman to whom it is addressed, to transfer to our columns the following extracts from a letter written by his brother, under date of “Headquarters, C.S. Forces, Corinth, Miss., March 5.” The writer, it will be seen, was in the lively little affair on the 1st, near Savannah, on the Tennessee river, of which we have already had some account:

As I have a moment of leisure to-night, I will fully enlighten you concerning the result of the fight that took place on the 1st. I luckily found myself present. I will tell you how. On the day previous to the fight, I felt anxious to see A-----, (an officer in the 18th Louisiana,) and got permission from the general to go and pay a visit to the 18th, who had been sent to Pittsburg, about two days before. I left on Friday last, and arrived the next day, not expecting in the least that we were about to engage the enemy.

At 1 o’clock, the alarm was given. I saddled my horse and off we went. The enemy began shelling us, and did so during one hour. I picked up two or three shells that had not exploded. I stood by A----- during half the fight. When we began to see muskets, I left him, got a musket, and ran on to the right wing, where I had a chance to kill one of the enemy, who was standing on the gunboat. The Miles artillery fired ten or twelve times, but owing to the unmanageable condition of their horses, and the heat of the discharged shells coming from a 64-pounder, they were soon compelled to travel.

About one hundred of the enemy landed. They thought we were about a mile from them, but as soon as they landed we sprang from our ambush, and gave them particular “jessie.” They ran to their boats, dragging along their dead and wounded. It is reported that we killed their best officer, and that is the reason they had to fly. If we had had cannon that could have stood the fire of the enemy, we could have torn their boats to pieces, being but wooden gunboats.

Our loss was seven killed ad thirteen wounded—seven or eight very slightly. Their loss is twenty-five or thirty killed and ten or twelve wounded. We took four prisoners and found three of the enemy dead on the field. One of the prisoners will die. Our company sustained more loss than any, and acted more valiantly than the rest. We lost three men, and there is another expected to die at any moment. George Greni, Alexander Testedre and Valmos Marks were killed. Honore David was shot through the head, breast and thigh. He will not survive. It would be a miracle if he were to escape.

, 1862


The Rebel Steamer Merrimac Making Mischief


The Merrimac Driven Back by the Monitor!!

March 8.—The dullness of Old Point was startled at 10 o’clock today by the announcement that a mysterious vessel, supposed to be the Merrimac, looking like a submerged house, with the roof only above water, was moving down from Norfolk by the channel in front of Sewall’s Point batteries. Signal guns were fired by the Cumberland and Congress to notify the Minnesota, St. Lawrence, and Roanoke of approaching danger, and all was excitement in and about Fortress Monroe.

There was nothing protruding above the water but a flag-staff flying the rebel flag and a short smokestack. She moved along slowly, and turning into the channel leading to Newport News, steamed direct for the frigates Cumberland and Congress, which were lying at the mouth of the James river. As soon as she came within range of the Cumberland the latter opened on her with her heavy guns, but the balls struck and glanced off, having no more effect on her than peas from a popgun. Her ports were all closed, and she moved on in silence, but with a full head of steam.

In the meantime, as the Merrimac was approaching our two frigates on one side, the iron-clad steamers Yorktown and Jamestown came down James river, and engaged our frigates on the other side. The batteries at Newport News also opened on the Jamestown and Yorktown, and did all in their power to assist the Cumberland and Congress, which, being sailing vessels, were at the mercy of the approaching steamers.

The Merrimac in the meantime kept steadily on her course, and slowly approached the Cumberland, when she and the Congress, at a distance of 100 yards, rained full broadsides on the iron-clad monster. The shot took no effect, glancing upwards and flying off, having the only effect to check her progress for the moment. After receiving the first broadsides of the two frigates she ran into the Cumberland, striking her about midships and literally laying open her sides. She then drew off, fired a broadside into the disabled ship and again dashed against her with her iron-clad prow, and knocking in her side, left her to sink while she engaged the Congress, which lay about a quarter of a mile distant.

The Congress in the meantime kept up a sharp engagement with the Yorktown and Jamestown, and having no regular crew on board of her, and, seeing the hopelessness of resisting the iron-clad steamer, at once struck her colors. Her crew had been discharged several days since, and three companies of the Naval Brigade had been out on board temporarily until she could be relieved by the St. Lawrence, which was to have gone up on Monday to take her position as one of the blockading vessels of James river. On the Congress striking her colors the Jamestown approached and took from on board her all her officers as prisoners, but allowed the crew to escape in boats. The vessel, being thus cleared, was fired by the rebels.

The Merrimac and her two icon-clad companions then opened with shot and shell on Newport News batteries, which briskly returned the fire.

Various reports have been received principally from frightened sutlers and clerks, some of whom represented that the garrison had been compelled to retreat from the batteries to the woods. It was also reported that the two smaller rebel steamers had been compelled to retreat from the guns of the batteries.

In the meantime, the frigate Minnesota, having partly got up steam, was being towed up to the relief of the two frigates, but did not get up until too late to assist them. She was also followed up by the frigate St. Lawrence, which was taken in tow by several of the small harbor steamers. It is, however, rumored that neither of these vessels had pilots on board them, and after a short engagement both of them seemed to be, in the opinion of the pilots, on Sewall Point, aground. The Minnesota, either intentionally or from necessity, engaged the three steamers at about a mile distance with only her two bow guns. The St. Lawrence also poured in shot from all the guns she could bring to bear, and it was the impression of the most experienced naval officers on the Point that both had been considerably damaged.

These statements, it must be borne in mind, are all based on what could be seen with a glass at a distance of nearly 8 miles, and by a few panic-stricken non-combatants, who fled at the firing of almost the first gun from Newport News.

In the meantime darkness approached, though the moon shone brightly, and nothing but the occasional flashing of the guns could be seen. The Merrimac was also believed to be aground, as she remained stationary at a distance of a mile from the Minnesota, making no attempt to attack or molest her.

Previous to the departure of the steamer for Baltimore no guns had been fired for half an hour, the last one being fired from the Minnesota. Some persons declared that immediately after the last gun was fired a dense column of vapor was seen to rise from the Merrimac, indicating an explosion of her boiler. Whether this was so or not cannot be known, but it was the universal opinion that the rebel monster was hard aground.

Fears were of course entertained for the safety of the Minnesota and St. Lawrence in such an unequal contest, but if the Merrimac was really ashore she could do no harm to them.

It was the intention of the Minnesota with her picked and gallant crew, to have run into close quarters with the Merrimac, avert her iron prow and board her. This the Merrimac seemed not inclined to give her an opportunity to do, being afraid to have the Minnesota’s crew approach her at close quarters when aground.

At 8 o’clock, when the Baltimore boat left, a fleet of steam tugs were sent up to the relief of the Minnesota and St. Lawrence, and an endeavor was to be made to draw them off from the bar upon which they had been grounded.

In the meantime the firing had been suspended, whether from mutual consent or necessity, could not be ascertained.

The rebel battery at Pig’s Point was also enabled to join in the combined attack on the Minnesota, and several guns were fired at her from Sewall’s Point as she went up. None of them, however, struck her, but one or two of them passed over her.

Baltimore, 9th.—The boat left Old Point at 8 o’clock last night. About half an hour after she left the wharf the iron-clad Ericsson steamer Monitor passed her going in, towed by a large steamer. The Monitor undoubtedly reached Fortress Monroe by 9 o’clock, and immediately went into service. If not, she would be ready to take a hand early on Sunday morning.

The foregoing are all the facts as far as can be ascertained, and are probably the worst possible version of this affair.



Washington, March 9, 7P.M., by telegraph from Fortress Monroe.—The Ericsson arrived at Fortress Monroe last night. Early this morning she was attacked by the three vessels, the Merrimac, the Jamestown and the Yorktown. After five hours’ contest they were driven off, the Merrimack in a sinking condition. [The above is official.]

MARCH 11, 1862

Further News from the South.—Capt. Davis, late flag officer of the South Atlantic Squadron, has arrived at Baltimore with dispatches from Commodore Dupont. He reports some important details of the operations of the fleet since it left Port Royal on the 1st instant:

“The first point approached was Brunswick, Georgia. The enemy abandoned their works, precipitately flying at the approach of the gunboats. The place was taken possession of  and the gunboats left in charge.

“This gives the government control of the whole coast of Georgia from South Carolina to Florida. The fleet moved twenty miles further to Cumberland Sound, the entrance to the harbor of Fernandina, Florida. They entered the Sound in the following order:

“The Mohican, flag-ship of Commodore Dupont, Ottawa, Seminole, Pawnee, Flag, Bienville, Alabama, James Adger, Florida, Seneca, Huron, and Pembina, followed by the small armed steamers Isaac Smith, Patomska, Penguin, and Ellen.

“Next came the revenue cutter Henrietta, armed transport McClellan, transports Empire City, Boston, Belvidere, Star of the South, George’s Creek, and Brigadier-General Wright, all loaded with troops, under command of General Wright.

“When the expedition came in sight of Fort Clinch, the rebels were discovered making a hasty flight, and fired two or three random shots from the barbette guns of the fort.

“The shells of the fleet, however, caused a hasty evacuation, and Fort Clinch was immediately taken possession of, and the flag of the Union raised on the old staff, which has been so long desecrated by the rebel colors.”

The morning papers bring flag-officer Dupont’s official account of the operations of the blockading fleet, substantially agreeing with the above, but in more detail. On coming to anchor in Cumberland Sound, on the 2d, the commodore says he learned from a “contraband” who had been picked up at sea, and from the residents, that the rebels had abandoned in haste the whole of their defences, retreating from Amelia Island with such munitions as their precipitate flight would allow. He adds:

“The object of carrying the whole fleet through Cumberland Sound was to turn the heavy works on the south end of Cumberland and the north end of Amelia Island; but on receiving this intelligence, I detached the gunboats and armed steamers of light draught from the main line, and placing them under the command of Commander Drayton of the steam sloop Pawnee, I ordered him to push through the Sound at the utmost speed, to save public and private property from the threatened destruction, prevent the poisoning of wells, and to put a stop to all those outrages by the perpetration of which the leaders of this nefarious war hope to drive and exasperate the southern people.

“As our fleet approached Fort Clinch a train of cars was observed to leave Fernandina, and as the track runs three miles along the shore of the Sound, Flag-Officer Dupont sent one gunboat in pursuit. An exciting race took place, the steamer throwing shells at the flying train, some falling in such close proximity that some of the fleeing rebels jumped from it and took to the bush. Among the later is said to be the late Senator Yulee of Florida. The train of course outran the gunboat and escaped.

“Fort Clinch was taken possession of, and on the same evening the rebel steamer Darlington, loaded with wagons, ammunition, and camp equipage, was also captured while endeavoring to escape.

“A flag was also speedily raised from the eight rebel earthworks. Twelve large guns fell into our possession, including one 80-pound rifled one. Five were found in the fort, and others in the earthworks. The rebels had hastily removed a portion of their guns, which are said to be at St. Johns, further up the Sound. An expedition was preparing to go up to capture them. Considerable ammunition was also captured.

“The troops of General Wright were landed and Flag-Officer Dupont turned over to his possession the forts and earthworks, which were quickly garrisoned. Most of the male inhabitants of the city fled. It was also taken possession of. This has been one of the most useful forts to the rebels, a large number of the vessels having run the blockade here.”

Commodore Dupont describes the captured works as very complete and expresses surprise that they should have been voluntarily deserted. The commodore closes his narrative saying: “We captured Port Royal; Fernandina and Fort Clinch have been given to us.” We are especially pleased to notice that honorable mention is made of the zealous and active co-operation of William H. Dennis of Lowell, an assistant in the coast survey, who possessed accurate knowledge of a part of the ground passed over, and of which he had made the topographical map, under the direction of the superintendent.


The Affair at Hampton Roads.—Lieut. Wise arrived at Washington, yesterday, from Fortress Monroe, with dispatches. Some additional particulars of the naval engagement are furnished: Our loss in killed, wounded and missing is stated at 100. Capt. Bradford was not on board the Cumberland, being engaged in a court-martial when the engagement took place. Lieut. J. B. Smith, son of Commodore Smith, was on board the Congress, and is killed. Lieut. Worden, who handled the Monitor so skillfully, is in the hands of the surgeons. He was in the pilot-house of the Monitor when the Merrimac directed a broadside at his vessel. His wounds are not supposed to be dangerous, though he was stunned by the concussion, and was carried away. He received injuries from minute fragments of shells and powder which were driven through the lookout holes. On recovering, he asked, “Have I saved the Minnesota?” The reply was, “Yes, and whipped the Merrimac;” to which he answered, “Then I don’t care what becomes of me.”

During the action, the other rebel gunboats and all the batteries of the enemy, within reach, directed their fire at the Minnesota, doing her some damage and killing four or five of her men. The Minnesota was eventually got off, and towed under the guns of Fortress Monroe. The crew of the Congress are scattered, and there are no means of ascertaining her loss at present.

MARCH 12, 1862

The Panic at Nashville.

The Nashville (Tennessee) Banner of Feb. 28, thus describes the panic in that city consequent upon the fall of Fort Donelson, and the scenes hat attended the evacuation of the city by the rebels:

Early Sunday morning it was reported that Fort Donelson had surrendered, but it was not until between 10 and 11 A.M. that the rumors became general. In the meantime the General Assembly had been hastily convened, and adjourned after a short session, to meet in the city of Memphis on the 20th. The citizens, generally unaware of any serious disaster to the Southern cause, were quietly repairing to church, when, however, they were me by the report that Fort Donelson had fallen, that  Federal army was already at Springfield, Robertson county, about twenty-five miles from the city, connected by railroad, and that the gunboats had passed to Clarkesville on their way to this city.

The sudden flight of the Governor and all the State officers, including the General Assembly, who took a  special train through to Memphis, gave color to these absurd rumors, and the whole city was thrown into a panic. About this time General Johnston’s army from Bowling Green entered the city, passing south, thus leaving the impression that no stand was to be made for the defence of Nashville. Such hurrying to and fro was never seen. Before nightfall, hundreds of citizens, with their families, were making their way as best they could to the South, many of them having no idea why they were thus recklessly abandoning comfortable houses or where they were going. About night it was announced that the military authorities would throw open the public stores to all who would take them.

The excitement continued throughout Sunday night, constantly gaining strength, aided by the destruction of two gunboats at the wharf, which were in process of construction—two fine New Orleans packets, the James Woods and James Johnson, having been taken for that purpose. The retreating army of Gen. Johnston continued its march, encamping at convenient points outside of the city. Monday morning the drama opened on the city intensely exciting. The public stores were distributed to some extent among the people, while the army and hospitals were making heavy requisitions, and pressing all vehicles and men that could to convey supplies to their camp. At the same time considerable quantities were removed to the depots for transportation south.

Evening came, and no gunboats and no Federal army from Kentucky. Gen. Johnston left for the South, placing Gen. Floyd in command, assisted by Generals Pillow and Hardee. The apprehensions of the near approach of the enemy having been found groundless, it was determined by Gen. Floyd that the destruction of the stores was premature, and an order was sent to close the warehouses, and a force detailed to collect what had been given out. This was done as far as practicable, but on Tuesday the distribution commenced again, and continued with more or less restrictions, under the eye of the most judicious citizens, until Saturday morning. Tuesday night the wire and railroad bridges cross the Cumberland were destroyed, in spite of the most earnest and persistent remonstrances of our leading citizens. The wire bridge cost about $150,000, and a large portion of the stock was owned by the lamented Gen. Zollicoffer, and was the chief reliance for the support of his orphan daughters. The railroad bridge cost about $250,000, and was one of the finest drawbridges in the country.

The scenes which were enacted during the following days, up to Monday morning, 24th, beggar description. The untiring energy of the Mayor and city authorities, who throughout this whole affair acted with a prudence, zeal and devotion to the city which cannot be too highly commended, was inadequate to keep down the selfish and unprincipled spirit of Mammon which ran riot, grasping from the mouths and backs of suffering widows and orphans the poor pittance of meat and clothing which was left them as indemnity for months of toil with their needle, and the sacrifice of husbands, sons and brothers in the defence of the Southern Confederacy. Through the efforts of the mayor, however, a plan was adopted on Saturday by which most, if not all, of these poor and unprotected creditors of the government were fully secured by Quartermaster and Commissary stores.

Here was an entire week of panic and confusion, during which millions of dollars worth of property was lost to the Southern Confederacy and wantonly destroyed, all of which might have been quietly and safely removed, had the panic-stricken leaders been able to maintain their equanimity in the face of a vague and unauthentic rumor that the enemy were near at hand. Comment upon such management is unnecessary in these columns—it can be heard loud and un sparing from every mouth in the land.

The President’s Message upon Slavery.

On the 6th inst. the President sent to Congress the following Message:

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall be substantially as follows:

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such a change of system.”

“If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval of Congress and the country, there is the end of it; but, if it does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The federal government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of self-preservation.

“The leaders of the  existing insurrection entertain the hope that the government will, ultimately, be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, and that all the slave States north of such parts will then say, ‘The Union, for which we have struggled, being already gone, we now choose to go with the southern section.’ To deprive them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation completely deprives them of it. As to all the States initiating it, the point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation, but that, while the offer is made equally to all, the more northern shall, by such initiation, make it certain to the more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in their proposed Confederacy. I say ‘initiation’ because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all.

“In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the census tables and the Treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of the war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them. In the annual message last December I thought fit to say: ‘The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed.’ I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical re-acknowledgement of the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue, and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously promise great efficiency towards ending the struggle must and will come.

“The proposition now made, though an offer only,  I hope it may be esteemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the institution and property in it, in the present aspect of affairs? While t s true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important results.

“In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the subject.”

--Abraham Lincoln.

MARCH 13, 1862



The Committee of Ways and Means in the House, reported on Monday of last week, this bill for raising a revenue from internal taxes on Excise duties for the support of Government and the payment of interest on the public debt. We give the following abstract of the bill:

It provides for the appointment by the president of a Commissioner of Internal Revenue with a salary of five thousand dollars per annum, his office to be in the Treasury Department, with a suitable number of clerks.

The country is to be divided, as the President may direct, into convenient districts, with an assessor and collector appointed by the President for each district, who shall have power to appoint such deputies as may be necessary.

The bill provides for a duty on spiritous liquors of fifteen cents per gallon; ale and beer, one dollar per barrel; stem or leaf tobacco, three cents per pound, to add, when manufactured, five cents; cigars, five, ten, and twenty cents per pound, according to value.

On lard and linseed oil, burning fluid and coal oil, five cents per gallon. Refined coal oil, ten cents per gallon. Gas, per thousand feet, twenty-five cents.

Bank-note paper, five cents per pound. Printing paper, three mills per pound.1

Soap, five mills per pound. Salt, four cents per one hundred pounds.

Flour, ten cents per barrel.

All other manufactures, three per centum ad valorem.

On railroad passengers, two mils per mile of travel; commutation tickets, three per cent.; steamboat travel, one mill per mile; omnibuses, ferry-boats, and horse railroads, three per cent. on gross receipts from passengers.

Advertisements, five per cent. on amount received annually.

For the use of carriages, annually, from one to ten dollars, according to value; gold watches, one dollar; silver watches, fifty cents; gold plate, fifteen cents per ounce; silver plate, fifteen cents per ounce; billiard tables, twenty dollars.

On slaughtered cattle, fifty cents each; hogs, ten cents each; sheep, five cents each.

Licenses.—For bankers, one hundred dollars; auctioneers, twenty dollars; wholesale dealers, fifty dollars; retail dealers in liquors, twenty dollars; retail dealers in goods, ten dollars; pawnbrokers, fifty dollars; hostels, inns, and taverns, graduated according to rental, from five to two hundred dollars; eating-houses, ten dollars; commercial brokers, fifty dollars; other brokers, twenty dollars; theatres, one hundred dollars; circuses, fifty dollars; bowling alleys, five dollars each alley; wholesale pedlars, fifty dollars; other pedlars, from five to twenty dollars; coal oil distillers, twenty dollars.

Income.—Three per cent. on all over six hundred dollars, deducting the income derived from dividends, etc., which are taxed separately. Interest on railroad bonds and dividends of banks and savings institutions, three per cent. Payments of all salaries of officers in the civil, military or naval service of he United States, including Senators and Members of Congress, three per cent.

Legacies and distributive shares of personal property of deceased persons, from one to five per cent., according to degrees of relationship; and stamp duties on all kinds of legal and commercial papers; all patent medicines, telegraphic messages, and all goods by express.

Message from the President:
How the Message was Received.

The message excited deep interest in the House. It was evident that a message of such important character was not generally anticipated. The reading was called for by Mr. Stevens of Pa., and on his motion it was referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the Union, in which it will be discussed. Some of the members, apparently not fully understanding it as pronounced from the desk, perused the manuscript at their seats. The subject therein discussed formed Thursday night a theme of earnest conversations. . .

All authorities agree that the president’s slavery message made a sensation in Washington, but they differ somewhat as to the sort of sensation. The special [correspondent] of the New York Times telegraphed:

“The president’s message to Congress to-day creates profound interest. The friends of the Union’s reconstruction are delighted and strengthened, while the radicals are proportionally distressed. But the latter have been obviously downhearted for several days. Nothing remains for them but to give up their principles and keep their share of the offices, or to assail the administration and lose their comfortable places. It is a dilemma which will be differently met by different  moral organizations. The friends of freedom her are much elated, and all of us anticipate that the good cause will be quickened throughout the country. It is well known that several of the largest slave owners in the border states have given in their adhesion to this project in advance, and are now very anxious for its adoption. The warning of the President to the rebels that if the war goes on, ‘all the incidents of war are to be employed, even if they cause ruin,’ will be understood at once to mean that slavery must cease to exist when it stands in the way of humanity and of the republic. The message is regarded among the foreign ministers as an epoch, and calculated to produce a profound impression in Europe. It will be the subject of dispatches from all the legations by Saturday’s steamer.”


Secretary Seward is reported to be preparing a dispatch on the subject of Mexican affairs, in which the determination of the United States to resist the designs of European powers to establish monarchical institutions on this continent will be energetically set forth. It will be laid before the committee on foreign affairs of both Houses, with other papers that are soon to be submitted.


Terrorism at Richmond.—Hon. John M. Botts, and some twenty other Union men, were recently arrested at Richmond, on suspicion of entertaining too strong Union sentiments. Writings on the walls were discovered, calling on the oppressed Union men to bide their time, which was soon at hand, and this caused the arrests.


The Restoration of Trade.—There was received at the Ninth street warehouse, yesterday, twenty-five hogsheads of tobacco by railroad, from the region of country south of the Barren river—the first receipt of tobacco from that section since it was occupied by the rebels.—Louisville (Ky.) Journal, 4th.

MARCH 14, 1862


Baltimore, 12.—Lieut. Hayward says the Norfolk Daybook contains a highly colored account of Saturday’s fight, and pays a great compliment to the bravery of the crew of the Cumberland, and admits that some of he shot entered the Merrimac. One shell killed 17 men and wounded Captain Buchanan, who subsequently died.2 The Monitor is admitted to be formidable. It says she appeared like a big black Yankee cheese box on a raft. The Merrimac on Sunday was under the command of Catesby Jones. She will require some necessary repairs. The reason she did not first attack the Congress was Buchanan had a brother aboard as paymaster.


Sensations During Battle.—One who has recently been in battle, and who desires to satisfy the curiosity of those who desire to know how men unaccustomed to stand fire, felt when first under it, says:

I do not suppose that I have much physical or moral courage, but the sensations under fire, judging from my experience, are different from what is expected.

A reasoning man at first feels alarmed, and his impulse is to run away; and if he has no reason to stand, he probably does run; but at each exposure he grows less timid, and after hearing canister and grape about his ears a dozen times, begins to think he is not destined to be hurt.

He still feels uneasy, perhaps; but the danger becomes fascinating, and, though he don’t wish to be hit, he likes to have narrow escapes, and so voluntarily places himself in a position where he can incur more risk.

After a little while he begins to reason about the matter; reflects upon the Doctrine of Probabilities, and how much powder and lead is necessarily wasted before any man is killed or wounded.

Why should he be, he thinks, so much more unlucky than many other people? And he soon can hear the whizzing of bullets with a tolerable degree of equanimity, though he involuntarily dodges or tries to dodge the cannon balls or shells that go howling around his immediate neighborhood.

In the afternoon he is quite a different creature from what he was in the morning, and involuntarily smiles to  see a man betray the same trepidation which he himself exhibited a few hours before.

The more he is exposed to fire the better he can bear it; and the timid being of to-day is the hero of to-morrow; and he who runs from danger on the first battle field will run into it on the next, and court the hazard he once so dreaded.

Thus courage, as it is styled, is little more with most men than custom; and they learn to despise what has often threatened without causing them harm. If wounded, they learn wounds are less painful to bear than they had supposed, and then the doctrine of probabilities teaches them once more they are less liable to be wounded again. So the mental process goes on until the nerves become by degrees the subject of will; and he only fears who has not the will to be brave.


Fort Monroe, March 9, 6:45P.M.To Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy: The Monitor arrived at 10 P.M. yesterday, and went immediately to the protection of the Minnesota, lying aground just opposite Newport News. At 7 A.M. to-day the Merrimac accompanied by two wooden steamers and several tugs, stood out towards the Minnesota, and opened fire. The Monitor met them at once and opened her fire, when all the enemy’s vessels retired except the Merrimac. These two iron clad vessels fought, part of the time touching each other, from 8 A.M. to noon, when the Merrimac retired. Whether she is injured or not is impossible to say.

Lieut. J. S. Worden, who commanded the Monitor, handled her with great skill, assisted by chief engineer Stimers. Lieut. Worden was injured by the cement from the pilot house being driven into his eyes, but I trust not seriously. The Minnesota kept up a continuous fire, and is herself somewhat injured. She was removed considerably to day, and will probably by off to-night. The Monitor is uninjured, and ready at any moment to repel an attack.

--G.V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy


The Rebels Retreating.

The masterly strategy of Gen. McClellan has resulted in a great though bloodless victory for or cause. The great rebel stronghold in Virginia has been given up without a struggle, and the rebel army of the Potomac, a mere demoralized rabble, is falling back upon Fredericksburg, Richmond, and North Carolina. The movements on the part of the Union army, which rendered imperative this action of the enemy, began about the 26th of February, when the right wing of our forces, under Gen. Banks, crossed the Potomac at Harper’s Ferry. Since that time the corps has been advancing by gradual and cautious but steady and irresistible marches, and Bolivar, Charlestown and Leesburg have successively been occupied. The seizure of the latter position, which took place March 7th, placed Gen. Banks’ army only twenty miles from Manassas Junction, in a northerly direction. . .


Effect of the President’s Message.

Washington, 8.—The President’s message respecting slavery in the States occasions much debate and anxiety among the pro slavery members of Congress. It is believed that it will carry the Confiscation and Emancipation bills now before Congress triumphantly through. Several conservative Republicans were hesitating to vote for emancipation in this District, but the message from the President shows them that Mr. Lincoln is in favor of the measure before the Senate, and it will pass. The significant part of the document is one of the last paragraphs, and the Slave-State men here regard it as openly threatening to destroy the institution of slavery unless the resistance to the government should cease within a very short time. The President coincides with the Secretary of War on the subject of slavery, and Mr. Stanton openly declares his purpose to be to overthrow slavery, if thereby the cause of the Union and a legitimate government can be aided.—Special to the N. Y. Evening Post.

15, 1862

About the Sailors Once More.

In alluding some days ago to the urgent need for seamen for the navy, and the difficulty experienced in obtaining them, though our fishermen are at home now from their summer and fall cruises, we quoted some reasons, given by the journals of Cape Ann, Portland and other places on our eastern coast, why the fishermen do not enlist. A well informed correspondent sends us the following communication, which shows that the reasons alleged by the journals who ought to be best informed in matters appertaining to the fishing interest do not exist, and that all causes for complaint were removed by the action of the Navy Department in December last.

We commend the facts stated below to the fishermen, and to those journals which speak for them. So far as we can see, the Navy Department has removed every reasonable cause of complaint or objection to entering the navy made by that class, and the government has a right to expect that they who have for years enjoyed a “bounty” from the nation, granted for the express purpose of training seamen for the service of the country in war times such as these will now come forward to its aid.

What our correspondent states about prize money ought to be made generally known among the fishing communities.

To the Editors of the Evening Post:

In an article in your paper of Monday last you give, on the authority of the Gloucester Telegraph, Cape Ann Light and Portland Advertiser, some reasons why the fishermen do not enlist in the navy, where they are much needed. These papers seem to have entirely overlooked a “general order” of our Navy Department, published extensively in different papers on the seaboard in December last. This order meets several of the points suggested, and is as follows,

Navy Department, December 28, 1861.

Seamen, ordinary seamen and landsmen, who can pass the usual surgeon’s examination, by presenting themselves at the rendezvous nearest their residence, with an official certificate from the city or town clerk signifying that they are residents and have expressed a desire to leave to enter the navy, will be received on the following terms:

1st: An allowance of three cents a mile travelling expenses.

2d: An advance of three months to seamen and ordinary seamen, and of two months to landsmen.

3d: Permission to leave an allotment of half-pay to their families, to commence the date of their enlistment.

4th: To go on board ship in their ordinary, where an outfit will be furnished and charged as per list, being the present prices, viz:

One pea jacket  $11.00
One pair blue cloth trowsers 3.20
One blue flannel overshirt 1.80
Two under flannel shirts 2.32
Two pairs woolen drawers 2.15
One mattress  4.90
Two blankets 3.90
One seamless cap 1.00
One black silk handkerchief  1.00


The pay of petty officers averages $23 to $25 per month.3

Do. seamen $16 do.
Do. ordinary seaman $14 do.
Do. landsmen $12 do.

and food found.

No landsman will be allowed to take the benefit of this regulation who has not been four months at sea or on the lakes or rivers.

--Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy

The points made are:

1 That there is no State aid to the families of the seamen, as there is in several States to the families of soldiers. This is true, and undoubtedly to some extent affects enlistments. But it is a matter which can only be regulated by the States themselves.

2 That while a soldier has pay for travelling expenses, a seaman is obliged to pay his own. You will see by the “General Order” that an allowance of three cents per mile is made him, which is considered ample.

3 That a soldier does not have to pay for his uniform, which is true, while a seaman does, and that consequently the latter can send none of his earnings “to his family for at least four months after he has enlisted.” This is an entire mistake, as you will see by the order above quoted. Upon enlisting, a seaman can have paid into his hands three months’ advance, amounting to fifty-four dollars, the whole of which he can immediately send to his family if he chooses, for he is allowed to go on board ship in his ordinary clothes, where his outfit will be furnished him at a price noted in the order. He is not required to work out all this in advance before his family can receive half pay, but is allowed to make an allotment to commence immediately upon enlistment.

4 That soldiers are promised a bounty of one hundred dollars at the close of the war, from which seamen are excluded. This, you remark, would be of no consequence if they had a chance to make up in prize money what the soldier gets in bounty; and add that, as the rebels have no navy, no ships, no commerce, “our seamen cannot expect to gain prize-money, however efficiently they may serve.” This is a great mistake. With some vessels it has been a perfect harvest time for seamen in the way of prize-money, as the records of prize courts will show. Seamen share in the proceeds of every vessel taken and condemned, for attempting to either run in or out of a blockaded port, or captured at sea with goods contraband of war on board. Let me give you a single instance. The storeship Supply, not long since, captured a vessel with, among other things, ten thousand Enfield rifles on board, which have been sold at the appraised twenty dollars apiece—making the aggregate two hundred thousand dollars. Of this amount one-half goes to the United States, leaving one hundred thousand dollars to be divided among the officers and crew. The seamen, ordinary seamen, landsmen, &c., get seven-twentieths, or thirty-five thousand dollars, and as they but number seventy two, the share of each one is within a small fraction of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS. Add the vessel and the remainder of the cargo, and each seaman must receive over five hundred dollars as his share of prize-money. This is not a solitary case, and is not the most favorable one that could be presented.

Let me add that the order quoted above is understood to have been issued expressly to meet the objections urged by the fishermen for not enlisting, but has not as yet induced the five thousand to enlist who, in times of peace, have received the bounty of the government, and who, it has been said, were ready to offer their services.--N.Y. Evening Post

1 A mill is 0.001 of a U.S. dollar (one tenth of a cent).

2 Buchanan did not die, and, as an admiral in the Confederate States Navy, would later face Admiral Farragut at the Battle of Mobile Bay.

3 "Do." is shorthand for "ditto."

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