SUNDAY
SEPTEMBER 4, 1864
THE DAILY TRUE DELTA (LA)

Great Britain and the American War.

On the subject of the economic effect of the American war, the London Times has an interesting article, in which it remarks that the effects of the war are felt in every country, even to the remotest corners of the earth; that all are more or less affected by this great disturbance of the equilibrium of the world. One, and a very material effect of the war has been, according to the Times, which, in this case, we think may be regarded as a true exponent of public opinion, that it has for a time greatly impeded the improvement of the condition of the masses of mankind. Says the Times:

“Here was in fact a nation, one of the foremost of human societies, extending its numbers with unparalleled rapidity, and devoted, almost without exception, to the peaceful arts, helping every worker in the world to obtain a greater reward for his toil us.  Year after year did we receive from it greater supplies of the raw material of clothing and of food; and year after year where we thereby enabled to send out in the exchange greater and cheaper and supplies of manufactured products.  The combined energies of Englishmen and Americans, supported by our teeming population and stored-up capital, and by their virgin and fertile soils, and unfettered by restrictions on the freedom of exchange, were perceptively improving the condition of the masses of mankind.  But now this beneficial operation is stopped.  We are left alone to do what we can towards supporting the burden of two hemispheres.  Our fellow-workers have not only ceased to give us their assistance, they have divided into two hostile bands, each of which interferes to prevent our use of the services of the other.”

As to the injuries which a neutral nations, and especially Great Britain, have experienced through the operation of the laws of war on commerce, the Times truly says that they have been obliged to resort to strange markets in quest of their ordinary supplies, and the raw material they have so obtained has been less in quality, dearer in prices, and has been conveyed to them at enhanced rates of freight.

The general effect of this interruption to commerce, occasioned by the war, the Times says, is to make Englishmen as well as Americans absolutely poorer.  In support of this position, it says:

“It is evident enough that the world at large cannot be benefited by the blockade of one of its best markets, any more than by a sudden visitation of sterility upon the soil.  But it is sometimes thought that a particular nation like England may reap advantage from such a calamity as a civil war in another country.  Were the supplies which the United States furnished to the world such as no other country than England could furnish in substitution, there might be something to countenance the idea.  It might be said that, as our only rival was displaced, we might make what terms we please for the sale of or commodities.  In fact, however, we are driven to find elsewhere the cotton, rice, and other articles which we formerly imported from America, and whoever has reaped the advantage of the change, the English nation has suffered.

“We are absolutely poorer than we were, or at all events than we should have been had the American war never happened; but at the same time it must be confessed that we may be relatively richer.”

We think the argument of the Times is more specious than sound.  The war has had a very injurious effect upon the British cotton manufacture and his thereby cause a great amount of suffering, but all other departments of British industry have been, since the war commenced, and still are, in a state of unexampled prosperity; and this, there can be no doubt, is owing in a great degree to the injurious influence of the war upon American industry, and to the very serious interruption to the foreign trade of the United States.  The admits that one effect of the war has been to increase largely the British share in the carrying trade of the world. It says:

“Shippers and the ship owners have been terrified by the vigor of Confederate cruisers, and cargoes and the ships had passed under the British flag.  Northern vessels which have safely reached a port have found it difficult to obtain return cargoes, and partly from this cause, and partly from the prudence of the owners themselves, have been sold and have assumed a new nationality. ->

It is notorious that this has constantly happened in Liverpool and other English ports, but even in American ports the same thing has been done.  The Consul at New York states that the transfer into English hands last year of American ships was unprecedented–294 ships, of an aggregate tonnage of 115,769 tons, having been sold principally to escape the hazard of capture; and the Consul at Philadelphia makes a similar report.  The same tale beat us everywhere.  The Consul at the Danish island of St. Thomas, the center of the West Indian System, speaks of an increase of British tonnage consequent on a sale of American vessels for the purpose of obtaining the protection of British registers.  The same thing is spoken of at Panama.  At San Francisco, American vessels arrive round Cape Horn, but few take the return voyage. From Havre, from Hamburg, from Norway, and from Spain, comes similar evidence.  American ships are everywhere passing into other hands, and these hands are principally British.”

As to evidence of the disturbance of old commercial relations due to the war, the Times, referring to the commercial reports made to the Foreign Office during the past year by British Consuls in all quarters of the globe, says:

“It would seem as if there was not a country in which men will not be found busy at work in occupations that were foreign to them three years ago, and if the reason of the change be searched out, the American war is at the bottom of it.  Cotton is of course the subject principally discussed, and, although the bales of cotton which it actually arrive have in many cases outsped the tardy intelligence of our consular agents, the details given by their letters are often curious and interesting.  Throughout Central and Southern America, English merchants are attempting to stimulate the indolent native and half-caste population to grow cotton by appeals to their cupidity.  In Southern Europe there is no such backwardness to overcome.  The Consul at Naples writing in June reports that the profits realized by cultivators last year were ‘fabulous,’ and that from three to four times as much land has been sown with cotton this season.  Similar reports come from all parts of European Turkey, while the consulate Jaffa reports that the cotton exported last year was more than nine times as much as the preceding year, and this year it will be trebled or quadrupled again.  From furthest Japan the Consul at Kanagawa tells us that the export of cotton rose from 4616 piculs in 1862 to 46,697 piculs in 1863, and has so continued that in the first two months of 1864 30,000 piculs have been exported.¹ These are minor illustrations of the impetus to cotton-growing which has filed its greatest development in British India.”

The Times attributes to the war the high rate of interest which has so long prevailed in the English money market.  It remarks:

“Those who will consider that we are doing the trade of two countries at enhanced prices is will not fail to detect the reason of the phenomenon.  Everywhere there is a demand made upon our disposable capital.  Our merchants want capital to invest in India and capital to invest in shipping, and the disposable capital thus called for is itself diminished by the direct drain of the war itself.  A keen competition with a limited supply produces its natural effect in increased prices, in the rate of interest for money, as the bank returns show, is no exception to the general rule.”

We cannot close this notice of the Times’ article without saying that, notwithstanding the views it endeavors to enforce, evidence is not wanting that for manufacturing, commercial and maritime, as well as for political considerations, Great Britain can well afford, in relation to the war in which we are engaged, to carry out to the fullest extent the policy of non-intervention which now finds such favor in the sight of her ruling statesman and for people.

MONDAY
SEPTEMBER 5, 1864
THE CHARLESTON MERCURY (SC)

The Fall of Atlanta.

Macon, September 3.–Parties from the front report that our losses on Wednesday did not exceed six hundred.

On Thursday the enemy made four assaults on our lines in heavy column. They were each time repulsed with great slaughter. They then concentrated their strength on Gowan’s front, and, breaking our lines there, the retreat of our forces became necessary–which was effected on Thursday night.

Prisoners report only four Yankee corps engaged–three menacing Atlanta and [one] guarding communications. No reliable information has been received regarding yesterday’s operations or the position of Hood.

During the last two days the city has been full of the wildest rumors, and owing to operations on the line of railroad, the communication with the press reporter at Atlanta is impracticable.

The result of the action on Thursday was that our forces, oppressed with overwhelming numbers, fell back to Lovejoy Station, and S. D. Lee, by orders of Hood, fell back towards Atlanta, leaving the railroad in possession of the enemy. It is now ascertained that six corps of Sherman’s troops were thrown upon the railroad. Only Hardee’s and Lee’s corps confronted them.

The loss on both sides is large, but as the Yankees on Thursday attacked our entrenchments, it is supposed they suffered much heavier than we. No reliable details can be obtained.

The report is current in this city that Hood evacuated Atlanta yesterday morning, but there is no positive information of his movements.

Evacuation of Atlanta.

Macon, September 4.–All doubts about the fall of Atlanta are ended. It was evacuated by our forces on Thursday night, and occupied by the enemy at 11 o’clock on Friday morning. General Hood blew up his supplies of ordnance, burned his commissary stores, and drew off on the McDonough Road, leaving nothing in Atlanta but blood-stained ruins.

Yesterday our whole army was concentrated at Lovejoy’s Station, on the Macon and Western Railroad. The enemy is reported to be retreating from that point towards Atlanta.

In the fight at Jonesboro on Thursday, Gen. Gowan, together with the 6th and part of the 2d Arkansas Regiments, were captured. We lost six pieces of artillery, and captured six.

Gen. Hood’s Official Account.

Richmond, September 4.–The following official dispatch from Gen. Hood, dated September 3, has been received at the War Office:

“On the evening of the 30th ult., the enemy made a lodgment across Flint River, near Jonesboro. We attacked them there on the evening of the 31st, with two corps, but failed to dislodge them. This made it necessary to abandon Atlanta, which was done on the night of the 1st instant. On the evening of the 1st, that portion of our lines held by Hardee’s corps, near Jonesboro, was assaulted by a superior force of the enemy and, being outflanked, was compelled to withdraw during the night, with the loss of eight pieces of artillery. Prisoners taken report the enemy’s loss to have been very severe.”

•••••

An Adventure in Broad River Waters.—We have already alluded to the fact that the steamship Crescent, with 600 of our brave and long-suffering officers, had arrived at Port Royal. Since this we have had one of the “600” to land on our shores, after much privation and suffering. ->

Orderly Sergeant Geo. H. Ellison, Company E., 3d Alabama Volunteers, was captured in Virginia last May, while on a scout for Gen. Ewell; he was carried to Washington and put in prison, and every effort was used to convince him that he would be tried as a spy and sentenced to be shot. Under these pretexts he was urged to take Lincoln’s oath of allegiance, and in this way save his life. He refused, and after several months confinement, was sent, with others, to General Foster’s command for some retaliatory measures, the Yankees insisting that he was an officer and ranking him as Captain. Sergeant Ellison and two others, Captain Perkins of Tennessee and a Captain of the 48th Ga., determined, after their arrival in Broad River, to make an attempt to escape. On the night of Aug. 30th, he, in company with his two companions, with the assistance of their comrades on board the ship, let themselves into the river, one and a half miles from the Hilton Head shore. Being expert swimmers, they depended upon their “muscle” to reach the land; keeping in the shade of the steamer as far as possible, they boldly swam off; the tide was very strong and against them, and when about 300 yards away from the floating prison, Capt. Perkins showed signs of giving out, while the other expressed fears of his ability to go much further, more than a mile of rough water was still between them and the beach.

Sergeant Ellison assisted Captain Perkins to rest himself, as far as he was able to do so, but it was of no avail; his two comrades had undertaken more than they were able to accomplish, and with great regret they had to part company, the two making their way back to the steamer, while Ellison pushed out bravely for the twinkling lights on land.

After great effort he reached the Island, very much exhausted, and when morning came, he made his way to some vessels and asked for work–he obtained it, as a laborer, had leave to go about the Island. He sought information about localities, and having fixed his best course to reach “Dixie,” made his escape during the night of the 31st. We will not give the particulars of his journey, but it is pleasant to know that beyond the fatigue incident to so daring an enterprise, he is quite well, and upon reaching our lines, was kindly cared for and assisted to clothing and money at Hardeville.

He reports that the Yankee gunboat fired at by Capt. Nichol’s battery, from Buckingham, on the 28th, received  20-pounder Parrott shot through her hull, doing some damage. He met Capt. Thos. Pinckney, 4th S. C. Cavalry, among the officers on the steamer, and was introduced to him. The 600 have since been landed near Beaufort. It was understood from the positive orders read to the troops, that the draft would be enforced in General Foster’s Department on 5th September, both white and black being liable to conscription. It was known on the Island that recruiting Sergeants had made their way over to the main for the purpose of running off male slaves who were to be put in the army to the credit of Massachusetts–the agent of the State paying the bounty, &c., &c. As much as $1000 is offered, and a  liberal fee paid to the sergeant for each man mustered in.

Sergeant Ellison was on Saturday last at Pocataligo, S. C., the headquarters of Colonel Colcock, commanding 3d Military District.

TUESDAY
SEPTEMBER 6, 1864
THE BOSTON HERALD

Wooden Vessels Compared with Iron-Clads–
Progress of Different Countries in Naval Architecture.

Such a commander as Farragut seems to be independent of the improvements in naval architecture for which this age is already famous. He has performed two of the most brilliant naval exploits in the annals of war with wooden vessels-for though he had iron-clads in his fleet in the recent battle in Mobile Bay, and iron-clads opposed him, the wooden vessels seem to have done the principal business, even to the capture and destruction of rebel plated vessels which were boasted to be invulnerable.

We have succeeded in making iron-clad vessels of great defensive strength, like those of the Monitor model, but we have scarcely succeeded in combining with that important quality the desirable effectiveness in aggressive power. The monitors, carrying only two guns each, and those of heavy calibre, when operating against fortifications, cannot fire often enough to silence the batteries of the enemy. They might run by such a fortification as Fort Gaines, but they could not silence its guns. Farragut preferred to trust to his wooden walls, protected as well as might be by such temporary expedients as his ingenuity had suggested and his experience had proved. He took his wooden vessels as near to the fort as he could sail them and rained upon it such a destructive fire of shot and shell that the garrison were driven pell-mell from their barbette guns and water batteries, and could maintain only a feeble fire from their casemates.

The facility with which wooden vessels are handled, in comparison with any iron-clad vessels yet built, is a great advantage in their favor, which to some extent they must always retain over vessels made with an eye mainly to their invulnerability. We need not mention the iron-clad failures which have been produced in this and other countries–if we take the very best for comparison, we must come to the conclusion that for nearly all the purposes of a navy, wooden vessels must still be depended upon.

But the building of iron-clad vessels-of-war is now in its infancy, and great improvements will undoubtedly be made. What is needed is a combination of invulnerability with a celerity of movement and effectiveness of fire. This has not yet been attained in any of the iron-clads proved in our navy, but much is expected of some of the monsters now in progress of construction.

The most formidable plated vessels we have afloat, with the single exception of the New Ironsides, are those built for service on the western rivers, which are really effective vessels, carrying heavy armaments. Those of the Monadnock class, as well as the Puritan, Dictator, Dunderberg, and others on the stocks and nearly ready for sea, promise to be more formidable than any yet tried, but they are yet to be proved. The Monitors have insufficient aggressive capacity, and those of the light draught have too great an affinity for the bottom of the ocean to be trusted. A great deal of money has been expended building vessels of the Monitor class, the chief virtue of which seems to be that they are somewhat better than any iron-clad vessels the rebels have built. They whipped the Merrimac and captured the Atlanta, but the most formidable vessels the rebels have built have been captured or destroyed by federal vessels of another variety, until the rebels seem to have come to the conclusion that all the vessels they build are fore-doomed to sudden destruction when opposed to a federal fleet. ->

It is hardly probable that the great naval powers of Europe have succeeded any better than we have, though they are making great exertions in the same line. Greta Britain has sixteen iron-clads afloat and eleven more in progress. France has about the same number. The construction of this class of vessels for the Russian navy was commenced in 1851, and seventeen will be completed by next spring. Ten of them are of the Monitor class, some with one, and some with two turrets. In point of number we have more than England, France and Russia together, and we are constantly adding to the list more formidable vessels than we have heretofore constructed.

A powerful navy is the best protection we can have against foreign war, and though the swift-sailing privateers of the enemy roam the ocean at will, with only now and then a vessel like the Kearsarge to challenge them, it would be a different matter in a war with a nation which has a commercial marine to retaliate upon, and the exploits of our naval heroes–Farragut, Foote, Porter, Winslow, Du Pont, and a host of others–show that we have the first requisite–skilled and resolute seamen–for the most effective navy in the world. Whatever can be done in building iron-clad vessels abroad, no country ca produce such iron-clad sailors as ours.

•••••

Seizure of the Pirate Georgia by the Gunboat Niagara.

London, 25th.–The frigate Niagara seized the rebel pirate steamer Georgia, 20 miles off Lisbon, put a prize crew on board and sent her to New York. The Niagara landed the captain and crew of the Georgia at Dover. The Georgia, when seized, was under the British flag, and her captain entered a protest against the seizure. The event excites much controversy. It was rumored that the capture was effected under the consent of the British Government. There is much difference of opinion as to the legality of the capture, but general satisfaction is expressed.

•••••

A Test for the Monitors.—The principal claim for the Monitors at the present time is their invulnerability. A good opportunity of testing this claim is now presented at Beaufort. The Tallahassee, or some other rebel privateer, is lying under the guns of Fort Fisher, having been driven there by the Monticello. As a wooden-sided ship cannot hope to stand the fire of the fort successfully, a Monitor should go in, attack and destroy the privateer. This is just the kind of work for which Monitors are thought to be superior to any other vessels, and if they can venture under a fire of this kind, and successfully destroy vessels seeking refuge under the guns of a fort, they will be a valuable aid to the Navy. Their fifteen-inch guns and their invulnerable turrets ought to enable them to do such work effectually. If they do not, the Monitors are not so good, practically, as wooden vessels. This suggestion is made by the Philadelphia Ledger, and we regard it as a very wise one. Let one of the present unemployed Monitors try the experiment. At any rate, there is nothing to lose by it.

•••••

Quite a serious affray occurred on boar the steamer Colorado at the Portsmouth Navy Yard on Friday, in which the master-at-arms was stabbed in the head by a sailor, (substitute), inflicting a frightful gash across the face. A number of these bounty-jumping rascals are already in irons on board the Colorado.

WEDNESDAY
SEPTEMBER 7, 1864
NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT & STATE GAZETTE

The Issue Well Stated.–The Easton (Pa.) Argus addresses the moderate Republicans in the following language:

You say you are for compromising with the Southern people, stopping the war and restoring the Union. How in the name of God is it to be done if President Lincoln will listen to no commissioners, will receive no offers, will hear no proposals? How are we ever to have an end, if he will allow no one to make a beginning? On three occasions he has refused to listen to offers of peace. We ask you then, in view of these things, can you, will you, sustain President Lincoln any longer? It is as plain as the sun at noon-day, that if he is re-elected, we shall have four years more of war, drafts, taxes, misery, bloodshed, devastation, ruin, and perhaps another revolution in the North. President Lincoln is either a fanatic himself or he is under the influence of fanatics and contractors, who rule him and shape his course to suit themselves. We verily believe that a Democratic administration could end this war and restore the Union on three months. You can take your choice then, gentlemen, and make up your minds between now and November to vote either for

1. A Democratic administration, with peace, compromise and re-union, no more drafts, and reduced taxes, or

2. Four more years of Lincoln’s administration, with continued war and butchery, more drafts, financial ruin and perhaps permanent separation.

•••••

The Albany  Argus says, “Never in the history of a political campaign have the evidences of the overthrow of an Administration accumulated so rapidly as during the past two months. In every section of the country a feeling of dissatisfaction with the course of the party in power is showing itself, and a disposition is manifested to displace the men who have been guilty of disregarding the plainest injunction of the Constitution, and of prolonging the war for a purpose entirely foreign to the original object expressed by resolution of Congress. This feeling of confidence in the success of the effort to defeat Lincoln is shared by a large body of conservative men, who have not heretofore acted with the Democratic party, but who now see no other avenue of hope open to the country, except in the success of the nominee of the Chicago Convention.

•••••

The Soldiers for McClellan.–It is rare that we meet a soldier who does not avow his love for McClellan. Those at home evidently express the feelings of their comrades in the field. This is evident from letters from the armies. For instance, a letter from a soldier in Sherman’s army says:

“This army has a correct view of this war, and the importance of an early settlement of affairs, or somebody else to do the fighting. There is not more than one out of every three of the Republican party that will vote for Lincoln, and the old constitutional Democracy will support McClellan. This is the fact in the army from New Orleans to Mobile, and from Mobile to the army of Sherman. Such a change in public opinion of the army is truly incredible, but it is a truth–a fact that cannot be gainsayed. McClellan is the man. If nominated, he will get a large majority of the army of the Cumberland.”

•••••

Mr. Voorhees revealed the secret, when he declared in Congress that Mr. Lincoln dared not receive propositions for union and peace, because he knows that his party cannot survive the war, and that his power and the restoration of the Union are incompatible.

The case Stated.–Gov. Parker of New Jersey in a late speech well stated the whole case in the following paragraph:

“The abolitionists and secessionists are responsible for the war. But their guilt should not withdraw our attention from others, guiltless, it may be, in the eye of the law, but who are morally equally culpable. These we have in the North. They fill exalted positions in our government, and with these we have to do in the approaching election. (Applause.) They are the men who for twenty-five years have been laboring to produce a sectional collision; who avowed that if the States could not exist half slave and half free; who counselled resistance to acts of Congress; who passed State laws in direct opposition to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, securing the rights of property and providing for the rendition of slaves; the men who were willing to let the Union slide; who were not content with the old order of things, but prayed for an anti-slavery Constitution, and anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God; the men who sang pæans to the memory of a misguided enthusiast, who, with a band of fanatical followers, armed with weapons of death, invaded the soil of a sovereign State for the purpose of inflicting servile insurrection, who in defiance of the authority of the General Government, took forcible possession of its property, and who, as a criminal, forfeited his life to the offended law. These men wanted war, and were filled with joy when the South seceded.”

•••••

Very Strange.–If “Little Mac” is so popular with the army–so sure of their support–why do the Democrats of New Hampshire so bitterly oppose any practical plan for letting the soldiers record their votes? Here is a striking confession of weakness.–Daily Monitor.

“Not a bit of it, man.” The Democrats oppose the soldier-voting bill for two good reasons; first, because they believe it to be utterly at variance with the Constitution, and second, because they believe that under its provisions the soldiers would not be permitted to record their votes in accordance with their honest desires. They believe that the framers and supporters of the bill designed it for the instrument of fraud and that it would be so employed if it were to be carried into effect. For these valid reasons, the Democrats opposed it, and for no other. They would be entirely willing, so far as the result is concerned, to submit the election to the decision of the soldiers now and heretofore in the field, if they could be permitted to vote freely and without coercion, intimidation of any undue influence. We have not a shadow of doubt that their decision thus made would be overwhelmingly in favor of the gallant soldier, the skillful commander, the wise statesman, the pure patriot, the honest man, George B. McClellan.

•••••

“Have you heard Lincoln’s last?” said a republican acquaintance to a copperhead friend of ours a day or two since. “No,” answered Felix, the Copperhead, “but I wish to the Lord I might.”–Boston Courier.

•••••

Lincoln’s Generals.–Lincoln’s two greatest generals are General Taxation and General Conscription. By these he conquers, not the South, but the North.

THURSDAY
SEPTEMBER 8, 1864
THE HARTFORD DAILY COURANT (CT)

Details of Sherman’s Operations.
Demoralization of Hood’s Army.

New York, Sept. 7.–The Herald’s special from Chattanooga the 5th, has advices from Jonesboro to the morning of the 2d.

Hood’s army was then retreating with Sherman hanging fiercely on his rear. The head of the Union column was skirmishing with the rebel’s rear near Fayetteville, six miles from Jonesboro. Fighting around Jonesboro had been very severe, and the enemy were routed at all points.

On the 30th ult., the 4th and 23d corps struck the Macon line 5 miles beyond East Point. Meantime the 15th, 16th, and 17th corps, and Kilpatrick’s cavalry, were skirmishing briskly with the enemy on our right, driving them across Flint river into Jonesboro. Hazen’s division of the 15th corps too possession of a prominent hill on the way to the enemy’s position. The next day the enemy burst in masses on the 15th corps, but their repeated assaults were repulsed, they losing several general officers, including Maj. Gen. Anderson, mortally wounded.

Our loss was slight as we fought behind works.

Hazen’s division captured two flags.

On the morning of the first of Sept., the 14th corps marched along the Macon line, destroying the track for several miles. In the afternoon they assaulted the rebel entrenchments, and after a desperate conflict lasting two hours, drove the enemy out, taking two batteries, one of them the celebrated Loomis battery taken from us at Chickamauga, some battle flags, General Gavan and an Arkansas brigade. Early in the night Lee’s corps moved away to join Stewart’s corps left in Atlanta, the command devolving on General Hardee, who retired along the Macon road.

Hood finding the situation desperate in Atlanta, also retreated on the first, burning nearly a thousand bale of cotton and 86 wagons laded with ammunition. At daybreak on the 2d, our army followed in hot pursuit. The object was to get between Hood and Hardee, and cut off one of them.

Defeat had a paralyzing effect on Hood’s army. The soldiers and militia are breaking for home on all sides.

Details of the occupation of Atlanta by General Slocum are given, including a note from Major Calhoun asking protection for non-combatants and private property, which was granted.

A Nashville dispatch of the 5th to the Herald says it is believed here that Hood has been forced to retreat to Macon via the Augusta railroad thence to advance to meet Sherman who in the meantime can make a rapid march to Macon and reach it ere Hardee can muster a sufficient force to oppose him successfully.

•••••

Punishment of Criminal Army Officers.

Washington, Sept. 7.–Sentences of courts-martial in eh cases of one colonel, one lieut. colonel, four majors, 29 captains, 30 first lieutenants, 21 second lieutenants, and two surgeons, have been officially promulgated. They were convicted, among other things, of drunkenness, shamefully abandoning positions in front of the enemy, inducing others to run away, stealing, lying, false musters, drinking stimulants intended for the sick, encouraging soldiers to plunder and pillage private citizens, embezzling commissary stores, desertion, opening private letters, misbehavior in the face of the enemy, &c. These officers are punished in different way. The larger number of them are being dishonorably discharged and cashiered.

Brightening Prospects.

Within two weeks the aspect of the political horizon has changed remarkably. During the month of August despondency hung like a pall over the country. The two splendid armies with which Grant and Sherman opened the spring campaigns, though often victorious, had in neither case succeeded in reaching the ultimate object at which they aimed. Banks had met with disaster in Louisiana, and Steele in Arkansas. The troops which the people believed would be sufficient to end the war, were found inadequate for the task, and the President was forced to summon another large levy to arms. Patience grew weary under the load, and faith staggered at the prospect. For lack of readier explanation, even the nominal friends of Mr. Lincoln made him the scape-goat to bear off the odium of misfortunes. He stood forth a conspicuous mark for the arrows of discontent. There was no one else to receive the blow. The opposition had not yet erected a platform nor selected a standard-bearer. Lying low, the democracy found ample satisfaction in enjoying the murmurs of discontent and the grovellings of faction, which were distracting the republican ranks. They looked forward confidently to an easy campaign and an overwhelming triumph.

To-day all is changed. The convention at Chicago, with its rotten timber and odious platform, aroused the nation to a realization of her danger. Simultaneously with the cowardly utterances of the democratic convention, came ringing cheers of victory from Atlanta, from Mobile, and from the vital rail road south of Petersburg, as if sent by the kind interposition of Providence to warn the people against most imminent peril. Shaking off apathy, throwing aside discontents, forgetting petty differences in the presence of a lowering and angry adversary, Union men now spring with alacrity to the post of duty, their pulses throbbing with exhilaration at the certainty of triumph.

The current of dissatisfaction, and clamor, and gloom, whose treacherous waters were hurrying the nation toward the vortex of destruction, is arrested. The recent jubilation of the unconditional peace-men fades into a disappointed and malicious glare. Distrust is at an end. Dissolving clouds close bright skies and a happy future.

•••••

The Pirate Georgia.

This piratical craft, recently captured off the coast of Portugal by the U. S. steam frigate Niagara, is an iron screw-steamer, and was built on the Clyde, ostensibly for the Emperor of Japan. In April, 1863, she sailed for France, where she took on board a battery of twelve guns, including two 68-pounder Whitworths. Having changed her name to Virginia, and secured a supply of ammunition, she put to sea and entered upon a career of wanton piracy and destruction. One after another of the pirates have been captured or destroyed, till the Florida and Tallahassee are alone left to pursue the work. The latter is blockaded at Wilmington. When these are disposed of the rebels will have nothing left to annoy our commerce with.

FRIDAY
SEPTEMBER 9, 1864
THE BOSTON EVENING TRANSCRIPT

important letter from gen. grant.

The Condition and Prospects of the Rebels.

Washington, 8th.–The following is an extract from a letter from Lieutenant General Grant to Hon. E. B. Washburne, dated Headquarters, City point, Va., Aug. 16, 1864:

I state to all citizens who visit me that all we want now to insure an early restoration of the Union is a determined unity of sentiment North.  The rebels have now in their ranks their last man. The little boys and old men are guarding prisoners, guarding railroad bridges, and forming a good part of their garrisons or intrenched positions. A man lost by them cannot be replaced. They have robbed the cradle and the grave equally to get their present force.

Beside what they lose in frequent skirmishes and battles, they are now losing from desertions and other causes at least one regiment per day. With this drain upon them, the end is not far distant, if we will only be true to ourselves. Their only hope now is in a divided North. This might give them reinforcements from Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri, while it would weaken us.

With the draft quietly enforced, the enemy would become despondent, and would make but little resistance. I have no doubt but the enemy are exceedingly anxious to hold out until after the Presidential election. They have many hopes from its effects. They hope a counter-revolution. They hope the election of the peace candidate. In fact, like Micawber, they hope for something to "turn up." Our peace friends, if they expect peace from separation, are much mistaken. It would be but the beginning of war, with thousands of Northern men joining the South because of our disgrace in allowing separation. To have "peace on any terms," the South would demand the restoration of their slaves already freed; they would demand indemnity for losses sustained, and they would demand a treaty which would make the North slave-hunters for the South; they would demand pay for the restoration of every slave escaped to the North.

Your truly,

U. S. Grant.

Mr. Washburne of Illinois has just returned from a visit to General Grant’s headquarters. He represents the soldiers in fine health and spirits and full of hope.

The Chicago peace and disunion platform is intensely execrated by the entire army. He talked with deserters fresh from the rebel lines, who report that the great appeal now made by the rebel officers to their soldiers is only hold out till McClellan is elected, when they will have peace and independence.

Reports from mustering officers show that seven thousand seven hundred men were put into the army yesterday. This is the largest day’s work for over a year. The whole number mustered in since September 1st is about thirty thousand.

•••••

An Abatement of Terms.—The Richmond Enquirer recently stated the terms on which the Confederacy would consent to peace. These terms were: Recognition of the independence of the Confederate States; compensation for all their loss of slaves; withdrawal of Yankee forces from every foot of Confederate ground, including Kentucky and Missouri; a surrender to the Confederacy of that portion of our navy fairly belonging to them; and, finally, the payment of the war debt incurred by the South through our insubordination toward the master race. On these modest and reasonable terms the Confederacy would be willing to agree to a peace. But last week the Enquirer came down a peg or two in its exactions, and said:

“The simple recognition of full and absolute independence of the Confederate States is the one great condition upon which we can conclude a peace; we ask for nothing more; we can accept nothing less. All other questions–of territorial limits, of the payment of the national debt, of compensation for losses–nay, even the vexed question of emancipation–sink into utter insignificance by the side of the fundamental condition.”

“We ask for nothing more”–nothing but independence! What generosity! And the Enquirer had not heard of Atlanta when this was written. Perhaps, by waiting awhile, we can obtain a better bargain yet. Judging from the Richmond editor’s change of tone, the rebels are growing rather more modest in their expectations. If they continue in this liberal humor, there is no knowing what they will offer next. Who know but that they will consent to let us join their Confederacy? What rapture that would be for Seymour!

Jeff Davis on Re-Union.—Mr. Jefferson Davis, in a speech before the Legislature of Mississippi, on the 26th of December, 1862, expressed himself in the following manner in reference to a re-union with the North:

“Our enemies are a traditionless and homeless race. From the time of Cromwell to the present, they have been disturbers of the peace of the world. Gathered together by Cromwell from the fens and bogs of the north of Ireland and of England, they commenced by disturbing the peace of their own country, they disturbed Holland, to which they fled, and disturbed England on their return. After what has happened the last two years, my only wonder is that we consented to live for so long a time in association with such miscreants. Were it ever supposed to enter again into a union with such a people, I would no more consent to do it than to trust myself in a den of thieves.”

•••••

Submission Creed.—“We believe that Cotton is king, and that Jeff Davis is its only lawful vice-regent.

“We believe that chivalry is a divine institution made manifest in the middle ages, and perfected at the present time by the laudable custom of flogging women, of starving prisoners, and of hanging citizens who defend the Union.

“We believe that Abraham Lincoln fired the first gun at Charleston, and slaughtered unoffending citizens in the streets of Baltimore, and that therefore he alone is accountable for the horrors and miseries of this unjust, devastating and calamitous war.

“We believe that the right of secession is inherent by nature in every State and township of the Union, and affords the only remedy for dissatisfied parties against unlawful attempts of government for the aggrandizement, improvement, preservation or prosperity of the nation.

“We believe that the Constitution is an instrument having two sides intended for different sections of the country, a north side which prohibits the election of a President and Vice-President from the same section, and a south side which provides for and justifies treason, theft and rebellion.

“We believe that an armistice of a few months is at this time highly necessary to our afflicted Southern brethren to enable them to recover their needful breath, to fortify their last ditch, and to establish commercial relations with European powers.

“We believe that a convention of the people of all States might produce results highly beneficial to the South, if managed in Southern style, with the wholesome controlling presence of bullies, bludgeons and bowie knives.

“We believe that political wisdom consists in promoting the greatest good of the smallest number, and that therefore all schemes for educating the “poor trash” and thereby giving them notions of equal rights, is in the highest degree detrimental and dangerous to subordination on the one side and safety on the other.

“”We believe that when a great and patriotic confederacy have proved their just hatred to their government by bringing to the altar their last man and their last dollar, and are moreover solemnly prepared to see themselves in proper time exterminated, a sense of respectful justice demands that we should at least assume their confederate debt as the smallest compensation which we can make them for three or four years of devastation by fire, sword, famine, and misery. And on these terms, together with indemnity for the past and security for the future, we might perhaps hope to obtain remission for wanton injuries inflicted on them during the four years of the present successful administration.”

SATURDAY
SEPTEMBER 10, 1864
THE NEWPORT MERCURY (RI)

The Fall of Atlanta.–There was a great rejoicing Saturday over the news that Atlanta had been taken. It appears that while the rebel cavalry was operating in Gen. Sherman’s rear, that officer was prosecuting his own movements successfully, and at eleven o’clock Thursday morning entered the city of Atlanta, and found that his combinations had compelled its evacuation by Hood.

It was by an apparent retreat–one of those masterly strategic movements for which this General has been so noted–that he has been enabled to achieve so brilliant a result. For some time past it has been apparent, not only to General Sherman, but t the majority of his officers, that the position could not be taken by direct assault. The works which Johnson was enabled to build around Atlanta during the time he occupied Sherman’s attention by his slow retreats, are represented to be of the most formidable character and strength. On the other hand, a complete investment of the place was impossible from a want of men–General Sherman’s army being too small to establish the line around the city as strongly as would be necessary to prevent successful sallies of the enemy. It is now well known that Hood had added materially to his strength by the conscription of numerous boys and old men, who behind the works could render very good service. Outside of the works this very strength would prove a great weakness, and a terrible cost of powder and provender.

The purpose of General Sherman in the movement which began on the night of the 26th was to deprive the rebel commander, General Hood, of this strength, and of his protection of the works at Atlanta. In other words, Sherman hoped by flanking Atlanta and cutting off his supplies to force Hood out to fight, and thus, with his largely preponderating force of veteran troops, to whip him in an open field. With this view, Sherman moved on the night in question with twenty days rations and all his army, except the Twentieth Corps (Slocum’s), which had been withdrawn from the front of Atlanta to Chattahoochee bridges, there to remain as a corps of observation, and to occupy Atlanta in the event of Hood abandoning it. It was employed to look after the communications and hurry forward the railroad and supplies to whatever new position Sherman might assume.

The confirmation of the good news from Atlanta has dispelled the blackest and darkest clouds which overhung eh national destiny. No success of the war has borne any comparison in importance to this last victory. Its importance arises not only from what we have gained, but the disaster we averted.

Had Sherman’s campaign been fruitless, had he been compelled to retire baffled and beaten from before Atlanta, not only would his army have been in danger of total destruction by reason of the interruptions of his communications by Wheeler’s cavalry, but Hood could have dispatched the flower of his army to reinforce Lee, and Grant might have been overwhelmed and beaten. Sherman’s splendid strategy averted all this. He cut Hood’s army in two, and compelled an evacuation of the objective point of the whole campaign. We deprecate the raising of false hopes in consequence of the victory. We have so often heard and believed that the backbone of the rebellion was broken, and we have so often been disappointed, that we have determined to eschew the use of the phrase; but it is difficult to over estimate the importance of Sherman’s victory. ->

With Atlanta in our possession, the Southwest is at our feet. The only strong point of the rebellion is in Virginia, and no time should now be lost to reinforce Grant to such an extent that he may be able to vanquish Lee, who, now made desperate by the disaster to his cause at Atlanta, will attempt in every possible way the annihilation of Grant’s army. Experience has taught us that Lee is an opponent to be feared most when his prospects are darkest.

•••••

Can the Country Afford the War?–The wealth of our country is composed of the wealth of the several individuals in the country. Where there are no money-making men in a nation, the nation will have no wealth. When this country was inhabited by the Indians it had the same natural resources that it has now, but there were no accumulators among the Indians, and their aggregate property in wigwams, moccasins, bows, arrows, deer-skins, clothes, and other forms of material wealth over the whole vast area of what is now the United States, probably did not equal in value that which is now piled in the warehouses of a single acre in this city.

A very small portion of the wealth of the country has been brought into it from abroad, or obtained from its gold mines at home; it has been created within our borders in the way in which all the wealth of the world has been created. A shoemaker takes a piece of leather worth two dollars, and fashions it into a boot worth five dollars; by judicious cutting, sewing, and hammering, he imparts to the material an increased value of three dollars. This operation is a sample of the way in which all material wealth has been produced; it is by increasing the adaptation of some portion of matter to the gratification of our desires, by some change in its condition, or form or location.

John Jacob Astor said that it took him longer to make the first thousand dollars of his fortune than it did to make any hundred thousand afterwards. It is the same with the other individuals that make up the community. The possession of capital increases their power of producing and accumulating wealth. A number of persons possessing 13,000 millions of dollars would increase their property more rapidly than they would when they possessed but 6,000 millions. It is therefore probable that in 1859 the wealth of the loyal States was increasing at eh rate of 800,000 millions per year–the average for the whole decade being 600 millions per year. This is quite equal to the cost of the war.

It seems, therefore, that if arrangements could be made to hand over the increase of wealth to the Government, the country could support a war as gigantic as this for an indefinite period of time, without any diminution of the national wealth.–N. Y. Commercial Advertiser.

¹ A picul is a unit of weight used in some parts of Asia; approximately equal to 133 pounds (the load a grown man can carry). (Source)