, 1864

The American Question.

Peace Rumors and Their Effect in England.
[from the london times, aug. 2.]

Discount requirements are active, and an impression in some quarters that peace in America might be followed by a further great increase in the demand for money seemed to contribute to the flatness of prices on ‘Change, although, as America is bare of nearly all kinds of produce, it is difficult to see, after allowing for any stores of cotton that may be available, how she could draw capital on balance from Europe. Moreover, the reduction that would ensue in the price of cotton would at once check the transmission of specie to the East. At the same time it is to be remarked that the belief in an early and permanent peace being negotiated is entertained by very few. A period of suspense between this date and the Presidential election at the end of the year is the utmost that is hoped for.

Peace, Even if Canada be Invaded.
[from the london times, aug. 2.]

For the twentieth time we ask, can nothing be done? It must be admitted that reconciliation, supposing it be possible, is not without some serious ulterior possibilities, formidable, we will hope, in the thought rather than the deed. On the one hand the Federals, supposing them to agree to disunion, have a new account to settle between the Interior and the Atlantic States. On the other hand, there is the oft-repeated resolution of both sides in the present conflict to turn their attention to us as soon as they have patched up their differences. Such a resolution we might set down to momentary irritation, or to any of the feelings engendered by a conflict such as that now raging. But we cannot overlook the substantial consideration that at the close of the present war the United States, whether as a Union of as amicable allies, will have a million of men under arms, with everything in the way of men and material necessary for any fresh enterprise.

There will be thousands of officers as well as men with habits and tastes completely estranged from the pursuits of peace, and driven to war for mere occupation. It requires a certain degree of charity, and no little faith in the eventual triumph of truth and right, to desire the mutual amity of men who profess that they have no other reason for uniting except to set upon ourselves. But England does not profess to be one of those long-sighted Powers which are always laying a train for conquests and triumphs of next century. We naturally look to the present rather than to the remote questions which unexpected events may solve very differently from our anticipations. For the present it is very desirable, for themselves and for all the world, that Federals and Confederates should shake hands over some conclusion or other. So we will not ask ourselves whether they will at once, either jointly or separately, attempt the threatened invasion of Canada. It is quite possible they may feel they have had enough of war, and that they have too much to do at home to cross the St. Lawrence.

The Peace Movement in New York and at Niagara Falls.
[from the london times, aug. 3.]

The value of the Federal successes in Georgia is greatly diminished, and the importance of Gen. Lee’s successes greatly increased, by the now evident weariness of the war which is creeping over the North. ->

Our columns on Monday contained some most remarkable extracts from influential papers, expressing the very same opinions of the hopelessness of the struggle, and the very same conclusions in favor of peace, which have been so long urged on this side of the Atlantic. When the New York Herald discusses the possibility of failure, and considers the question of being contented “with what we have got,” the temper of the American public must be greatly changed. It appears, too, that a person of no less position than Mr. Horace Greeley has been carrying on a sort of private negotiation with some important members of the Confederacy, who have been staying for that purpose on the British side of Niagara Falls. Mr. Lincoln’s obstinacy in laying down absolutely impossible terms as a basis for any agreement naturally broke off the negotiations at once; but that Mr. Greeley should be engaged in such communications is a fact of itself highly significant.

A similar indication, if it be nothing more, of the set of public feeling, is offered by the reported discover of a wide-spread conspiracy in the Mississippi Valley for establishing a new Confederacy in the Northwest. It was but lately that we drew attention to a letter from a gentleman of considerable influence in Ohio, which threatened this very movement. The attempt may end in nothing for the present, but the feeling it displays must be growing into considerable importance. While this spirit is spreading, the President has issued a call for half a million more troops by the 5th of September, and threatens to fill up by conscription all quotas that are incomplete by that date. Such a confession of the vastness of the task still remaining to  be accomplished, and such an ill-timed threat of an obnoxious expedient, will not tend to remove the Federal despondency. We find, accordingly, that in New York the proclamation is received in the most business-like way, and, instead of readily responding as of old, the State evidently makes up its mind to strike as hard a bargain with the President as it possibly can. The best comment on the position of affairs is again afforded by the price of gold, which, even in the presence of reiterated reports of the fall of Atlanta, remained at 254.

Astonishing Effect of the Word Peace on the Price of American Stocks in Germany.

The London Times city article says advices from Frankfort mention that, under the pressure of some sales on American account, the prices of United States bonds gave way for some days, until quotations were only two per cent above New York; but such is the eagerness of the German public to increase their investments that as soon as the pressure of these exceptional operations was removed a recovery took place of more than three per cent.

The reason for the renewed furor consists in the word “peace” having been mentioned in the last telegrams. It is added that the estimate of thirty millions sterling as the total of those securities absorbed in Germany and Holland is certainly below the actual amount.

AUGUST 29, 1864

“Fiat Justitia, Ruat Cœlum.”1

Mr. Editor: As there seems to be a general feeling of dissatisfaction with the conduct of Admiral Buchanan in the late naval engagement off Fort Morgan, I think it but fair and just, a fact generally unknown, but which in a great measure contributed to the disaster, should be made fully known in vindication of his course.

Admitting all that has been said about the Tennessee, her thickly coated shield, powerful ram and heavy armament, still there is one defect not mentioned, which was her weak point and the principal cause of this noble vessel striking her colors. Her tiller ropes, or more explicitly speaking, rudder chains, were exposed from her rudder head, along her transom and quarters to her shield; to conceal this from view, a hollow semi circular piece of cast iron, about an inch in thickness, was placed over it. This, of course, was no protection against the shot and shell of the enemy’s men of war; but this was the fault of the contractors and constructors, not of the naval officers.

Such was her condition when she went into action, in which she gave so good n account of herself until she ceased to obey her helm. After the flimsy covering was knocked to pieces, her steering gear became visible and was soon shot away by the belching cannon of the Northern fleet; then, as a necessary consequence, she was both ungovernable and unmanageable. With her smoke-stack and her escape pipe razeed even with the grating of her air ports, and her gun deck filled with smoke and steam, she would still have been able to continue the fight, or retreat under the guns of Fort Morgan, had her helm been in working order. But the wily Federal Admiral, perceiving his advantage, and closing his ships around his immovable foe, as she lay (being a propeller) unable to manœuvre or stir, pours broadside after broadside, in quick succession, into her with telling and deadly effect, while she still defiantly sends missiles of death and destruction amidst her numerous assailants from her fixed position.

Yet this is only desperation, the inevitable result of the contest is apparent to all.

It must indeed have been galling to those brave hearts who hoisted the signal of “Don’t give up the ship!”, entered the fight so gallantly and bore themselves so well, to find their vessel rendered helpless and themselves in the hands of their adversaries through the fatal oversight of inexperienced ship builders. Their situation was now forlorn and helpless. They must now very soon sink and all hands perish or surrender. The skill and prowess of Nelson could not save them. In this trying hour, suffering agonizing pains from his wound, and indifferent of self yet with that regard for the lives of the men placed under his charge which which every commander should have, the lion-hearted Admiral reluctantly displays the white flag. Soon after the great gun is hushed in silence and the Tennessee is towed away as a prize to the enemy.

Thus ended one of the most terrific and memorable naval battles on record. One small inferior iron-clad of six guns maintained her ground an hour and a half against seventeen was vessels carrying three hundred and twelve guns, and though the engagement closed disastrously to our arms, yet it was glorious and heroic. ->

Buchanan, like Lawrence of the Chesapeake, Porter of the Essex, and Semmes of the Alabama, though foiled and captured, yet by their determined bravery, dauntless courage and chivalrous bearing, devotion to their country and noble resignation to their fate, conquered in defeat. Had they achieved a brilliant victory, they might have worn the victor’s wreath, but in Christian nations what more exalted panegyric cane be bestowed on any one, than that “Humanity has torn down the flag valor had nailed to the mast.”–Marines.


A Slight Sensation.

On yesterday quite a sensation was created about Angelo’s corner by the appearance of two dashing young and beautiful ladies, attired in rich travelling costumes and hats, each armed with a splendid Colt’s revolver, and each accompanied by a “gallant soldier boy,” the whole party being on their way to the Provost Marshal’s office to obtain passes. The air distingue of the ladies, the foreign cut and style of their dresses, and the pistols carried a la militaire made them the cynosure of all eyes, and elicited quite a variety of opinions as to who they were. Some thought they were two dashing English belles on a frolicking tour of observation through the Confederacy, others thought they were simply blockade-runners, while the more thoughtful concluded they must certainly be Yankee spies. That opinion gained so strongly that the vigilant Commandant of the post, whose attention they had already arrested, determined to send a guard to bring up the party and make them “show their papers,” and was in the act of doing so, when a friend at his elbow, who had just recognized in one of the gay rebels an interesting miss of thirteen summers eight or ten years ago, communicated to the colonel the information that she was the daughter of one of the wealthiest and most respectable planters of Mississippi, that her companion was her sister-in-law, and that both were married ladies, on their way home, after a visit here to have have some mules returned them which had been pressed off their plantations. Suffice it to say that the order was revoked, and the ladies will never know of it, unless, perchance, they see this. One of their male companions, however, was not so fortunate, He was taken up by the conscript officer and put in the guard house for having no papers, though he protested that he was a soldier, “good and true,” and had lost his leave of absence papers, &c. In the evening the ladies made a statement to the colonel of the young gentleman having met with misfortunes–that they knew him to be no deserter, &c., and the commandant being satisfied with their representations, released him.

Moral–Ladies should take care how they dress these war times, and how they sport arms. They know not what unpleasant circumstances they may be placed in. Soldiers should not travel without their papers in order.–Jackson Mississippian.


AUGUST 30, 1864

Street Fight in San Francisco–Four Men Killed.
[Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune.]

There was a serious shooting affray on our principal street (Montgomery), which  resulted in the death of four persons. The facts, such as are ascertained, are as follows, viz: It seems one Bill Davis, a noted gambler, who resides at Yreka, was interested in and drove a horse race which came off at Placerville on the 1th inst., and “throwed” the race, making some $4500 by it. Hank Stevens, Ball, Dutch Abe and Spanish Bob, four “sports,” backed D.’s horse, and got broke; swore vengeance, killing on sight, &c. On the 18th they all came to this city (except D.,) and publicly said they were going to shoot D. on sight, &c. On the 1st D. came in town, and at two o’clock p.m. was sitting, having his boots polished in a black’s adjoining the Fashion, when Ball and Dutch Abe came to the door, and looking in, exclaimed, “Here’s the dirty thief now,” and drawing their revolvers, commenced shooting.

D. jumped out of the chair, with one boot polished, and, drawing his revolver, fired, and Ball fell dead across an iron grating. D. then jumped out on the sidewalk, laughingly saying, “You’ve made a mistake,” and fired at Dutch Abe, the ball taking effect in his right breast. He fell, when D. ran and caught the revolver from Dutch’s hands, saying, as he walked toward the door of the Fashion, “Where’s the rest of you murderers?” Blood was running down D.’s left hand from the arm, and also down the right cheek. As he was on the point of entering the door he was met by Stevens and Spanish Bob, when D. raised the revolver in the right hand and fired twice. Stevens fell, and Spanish Bob jumped over him on the sidewalk and fired. D. staggered, but, recovering, they (Davis and Spanish Bob) commenced in good earnest, each striving to fire a deadly shot. D. was laughing all the time. They then commenced firing at each other, being then some twenty feet apart. After D. had fired two shots he threw the revolver at Bob, and, changing the revolver he took from Ball into his right hand, he raised it, and snapped it three times; the fourth time it went off, and Bob fell. (D. had fallen before this, and was lying on his breast on the banquette.) D. threw the revolver into the street, saying, “Hell and furies, damn the thing.” He then pulled a Derringer, and both (only having one shot each) began crawling towards each other on their stomachs. When about five feet apart they both raised partly up and fired simultaneously, when Bob’s head fell, and he remained perfectly still. D., then said, crawling towards Bob, “He’s gone; I cooked him,” and then partially turned on his side and tried to raise.

On examination Ball and Spanish Bob were dead, Dutch Abe and Stevens mortally wounded, the first having been shot through the right lung, causing internal hemorrhage, &c. The latter was shot through the left breast.

Spanish Bob had four wounds on him–two in the right breast, one in the right arm, and one between the eyes. Ball had a ball in his heart. Davis had six wounds–two in right leg, one in right breast, one in left shoulder, one in left wrist (through), and one on right cheek, where a bullet had struck the cheek bone and glanced off, cutting out a piece of flesh of the size of a ten cent piece.

Stevens died on the 24th, at forty minutes past ten a.m. Dutch Abe died yesterday morning. Doctors say Davis will certainly recover.


A Decoy Vessel.–The ship Horace Beals left New York last week (Wednesday) in search of the pirate Tallahassee. She has, says the Hartford Times, a strong armament concealed under the guise of a merchantman. Captain King, the commander, has been for three years attached to Admiral Farragut’s squadron, and is anxious to have the pirate send a boat’s crew to seize and burn it.

Police Court–Before Judge Rogers.

Monday, Aug. 29.

Forty of the sons of Belial, many being accompanied by their ladies, and one happy couple having a youthful African in their train, were present to grace the elegant after-breakfast levee of his Honor, Judge Rogers, this morning.2 A large crowd of spectators, present by sufferance, both by invitation, from the salons and club houses of the North End, witnessed with undisguised satisfaction the urbane and chivalrous bearing of the Court toward their more fortunate companions and friends. The Lord High Chamberlain, from his elevated position overlooking the audience room, called the names of the fortunate ones in their turn, and they advanced under the escort of a court equerry, until his Honor made a few remarks to them and had listened to the encomiums bestowed upon them by the friend in blue and brass who stood over opposite them, after which he kindly gave many of them permission to visit and reside in some of the palaces built at the public expense, and which are delightfully situated in umbrageous locality on some of the lovely islands in the bay.

If any of our rural friends or stranger should propose to attend one of these recherche after-breakfast entertainments, we would respectfully suggest that they attend before breakfast, as the perfumery used by most of the guests is imported from a locality unknown in revenue records, and although no doubt very grateful to the nostrils of those accustomed to it, it is not known how long an acquaintance with its aromatic qualities is required to produce this olfactory gratitude, and it is well known that it is very powerful and speedy in converting a stomach full of breakfast into a stomach filled with anguish. Therefore, unless a person is ambitious of having his breakfast on deposit, he had better remove it from his landlady’s table.

Eliza Ayres plead guilty to a charge of stealing a bonnet worth $3, from Julia Kelly, and was fined $10 and costs.

Catherine Mehan for the crime of inducing $7.10 in postal currency to accompany her home from their rightful residence, the pocket of Rose Hanley, was fined $12 and costs.

A flower of the order of the night-blooming cereus, which has been shedding its fragrance unsung for about eighteen years, made a rash attempt to amalgamate with some artificial flowers of “Old Abe’s” manufacture; flowers called postal currency, and valued at $9.08. For thus attempting to combine nature and art in this summary way, both in the stores of Peck & Co. and of Knight’s & Cross, this flower was transplanted into the more congenial earth which surrounds the jail for the term of two months.

Two small boys, named Wm. F. Cochran and Edward F. Pearson, of the age of ten years each, waived examination on a charge of breaking and entering the house of Charles F. Brown and stealing therefrom a gold locket, gold pencil-case and other articles to the value of $29, and were each held in $400 for trial.

A lad named Martin Kelly was found guilty of the larceny of $20 in bank bills and postal currency from Alexander B. Wilbur, and was fined $30 and costs, and ordered to be committed until the fine is paid.

Patrick Connelly for assaulting Margaret Connelly, his wife, with a stick of wood, was fined $10 and costs, and held in sureties of $50 to keep the peace for six months toward all parties.

The boys Duffie and White, arraigned Saturday for the larceny of $20 from the shop of Alex. F. Wilbur, were sentenced this morning to pay a fine of $25 and one-half the costs each.

AUGUST 31, 1864

Chicago Convention.—The crowd in attendance at the session of this body is represented to have surpassed yesterday that of any day previous, and, with the increase of outsiders, becomes apparent a more intensified peace sentiment in the convention. Gov. Seymour of New York was chosen permanent president of the body, with the usual array of vice-presidents and secretaries. On assuming the duties of the position, the president delivered an address bearing evidence of careful preparation, its language being non-committal upon all points of difference which may serve to widen the breach between the two sections of the party. Notwithstanding this effort at sugar-coating offensive statements, the violent peace men, constituting a power in the convention whose wishes cannot be totally disregarded with impunity, are said to be much dissatisfied with it.

At the commencement of the afternoon session of yesterday, the committee on resolutions, through its chairman, Guthrie of Kentucky, submitted its report, which was adopted with but four dissenting voices. The resolutions, accepted as a platform for the campaign, are brief and so worded as to be non-committal on the question of a further prosecution of the war. They declare in favor of a movement for an immediate cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of the states, or the adoption of some other peaceable method, to the end that peace may be attained at the earliest possible moment–denounce military interference in elections, and pledge themselves to resist it by all means within their control–and, in conclusion, draw up quite a lengthy bill of indictment against the administration for what they term its “usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the constitution.”

Congressman Long of Ohio, desired a plank in the platform affirming the right of secession, which doctrine he understood the Kentucky resolution of 1798 to endorse. He remarked that the resolutions were drafted in a form such as to deceive both wings of the party, while endeavoring to cater to the sentiments of both. The President decided that Mr. Long’s resolution must be referred to the appropriate committee before it could receive attention.

It was then moved to proceed to a nomination of a candidate for the Presidency, and the following list of candidates was placed before the convention, from which to make a selection: George B. McClellan of New York, Governor Powell of Kentucky, Thomas H. Seymour of Connecticut, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, Horatio Seymour of New York. Immediately after these nominations, Mr. Harris of Maryland arose, and, after seconding the nomination of Seymour of Connecticut, proceeded to deliver a most bitter tirade of denunciation of McClellan. He said:

“One man nominated here to-day is a tyrant. [Cheers and hisses.] He it was who first initiated the policy by which our rights and liberties were stricken down. That man is George B. McClellan. [Confusion.] Maryland, who has suffered so much at the hands of that man, will not submit to his nomination in silence. His offences shall be made known. This Convention is a jury appointed by the people to pass upon the merits of public men whose names may be presented for the support of the great democratic party. Gen. McClellan, I repeat, is a tyrant. [Great confusion.] I stand here to indict him.”

A delegate called him to order. 

The President said he hoped there was no man present who would deny the right of free speech. Certainly no democrat will. At the same time he hoped no delegate would feel called upon to pursue a course of remarks so offensive as to interfere with the harmony of the convention. ->

Mr. Harris read McClellan’s order of arrest against the Maryland Legislature, and proceeded to comment upon  the same, but the confusion was so great that the speaker could not be heard, except to say that all the charges of usurpation and tyranny that can be brought against Lincoln and Butler he can make and substantiate against McClellan. [Hisses and cheers and cries of “Vote for Jeff Davis.]

At this point there was such a confusion that the speaker’s voice could not be heard, and a point of order being endorsed by the chair that Mr. Harris having remarked during the session of the convention that he would not support McClellan if nominated, he had no right to take part in the proceedings of the convention, he took his seat. The convention adjourned till to-day without balloting.


General Burnside.—General Burnside, returning from the White Mountains, stopped at Centre Harbor on Monday night, and, his arrival becoming known, a large number of citizens from Laconia, Meredith and other towns assembled, and the Belknap cornet band serenaded him. The general, in response, appeared on the hotel balcony, amid cheers, and spoke as follows:

“My friends, I am sure you will excuse me from making any extended remarks on this occasion, because, in the first place, it is not my habit to address public assemblies, and just now I am returning from a brief pleasure-trip through your beautiful country, during which I have purposely enjoyed recreation, and thought as little as possible of official or public business.

“It will not be amiss, however, for me to say that I have the fullest confidence in the ability of the government to crush out this wicked rebellion. I feel that the day is not far distant when the despondency which now prevails will totally disappear and the people in the North will see, as we in the field see, that the end is at hand.

“Only united effort is needed to enable the government to move still more quickly. I refer to this because I have lately witnessed this despondency and been surprised at it. Why, I have heard more grumbling at the North in three days, than I heard in our whole campaign from the Rapidan to Petersburg.

“People seem to think that our armies are wearing out without corresponding exhaustion of our enemy. This is a mistake. Our resources in the field are greater than his. We have three times his home resources untouched, and can lose far more than the South, and still break down the rebellion.

“I repeat, there is no cause for despondency. Let every citizen do all in his power, and the result is sure. It is not possible that any cause so founded in iniquity as this rebellion should succeed. But, independent of the right and wrong, I am sure from observation that we have the strength and will to conquer.”

The general’s remarks made a strong impression on the audience.


War Matters.

The rebels claim a victory in Thursday’s fight at Ream’s Station, the capture of two thousand prisoners and nine cannon. Gen. Lee., in his official dispatch, states that Gen. Hill carried the entire line of the Union entrenchments on the second assault, but the fact is that our forces only yielded what they no longer desired to possess.

The rebel papers affect a levity over the importance attached by Gen. Grant to the possession of the Weldon Railroad, and say that previous to our success south of Petersburg, they were in great danger, and now that danger is past.

The Petersburg Register of the 27th says the rebel authorities “have offered to exchange officer for officer and man for man with the federal authorities. Heretofore the point of contention has been in the delivery of the excess of prisoners, our government insisting upon the terms of the cartel, which required the delivery of all prisoners on both sides, the excess to be on parole. The government now proposes that the excess, if any, remain in the hands of the enemy until other captures are made. This offer, though made early in the month, has not been accepted. The correspondence on the subject will shortly appear.”

An officer from Atlanta informs the Richmond Sentinel that Gen. Hood no more intends to give up Atlanta, and no more doubts his ability to hold it, than Gen. Lee does as to Richmond.

The N. Y. Tribune has information from various quarters that, in addition to credits for men previously furnished, at least two-thirds, and probably three-fourths, of the half million called for will have already passed muster, or be ready for muster, on the morning of Sept. 5th, and that one-half of the country will thus be out of the draft by reason of having filled their quotas by townships, wards, cities, counties and States.

The popular opinion that Admiral Farragut is to be at once sent to Wilmington, and that an expedition against that port is organizing, is wholly incorrect. His work in Mobile Bay does not cease even with the capture of Fort Morgan. Moreover, the job at Wilmington is one in which no considerable success can be achieved, except by a combined attack of the army and navy; and desirable as it is to think the place should be re-occupied and re-possessed, the emergencies of Grant and Sherman require that every available man should be sent to them at present.

A letter from the Army of the Potomac says that since the battle of Ream’s Station nothing of particular importance has transpired in the Second corps. The number of missing is being rapidly reduced by the arrival of soldiers who had been scattered through the woods. The command is being reorganized, and new guns procured for those batteries which had pieces captured. Several stand of colors fell into the enemy’s hands, because successive color bearers were shot down. A flag of truce was sent out for the purpose of making arrangements for the succor of our wounded and the burial of our dead, who could not be carried from the field on Thursday night; but the rebel commander reused to accede to the request, stating that our wounded were being cared for, and our dead, of whom there were about two hundred, were being buried. It may be that the rebel commander felt indisposed to let us take another survey of a field which was so thickly strewn with rebel dead. ->

The Richmond Whig, in commenting upon Gen. Grant’s success in occupying the Weldon Railroad, remarks:

“Clear-headed men at the North will perceive that the cutting of the Weldon road and the capture of Richmond are not identical terms. Grant is just now where we expected him to be immediately after he set down before Petersburg. He has got a long and an up-hill journey before him. He must extend his lines to the Danville road before Richmond shall be, not endangered, but incommoded.

“To do this he must cross the Appomattox in the face of a powerful and wily foe, and build twenty miles or more of continuous and impregnable works. All this must be done within the space of two months. If, by the 4th of November, he shall have succeeded in accomplishing this task, Lincoln and McClellan may go hopefully before the people on the war platform; but if he fails to reach the Southside road, or to cross the Appomattox, or to hold permanently the Weldon road, his labor of love will be lost and his patron in Washington will be unable to requite him for his pains–for the new President will hurl him from the pedestal of Commander-in-Chief and return him to the head of a division.

“No one is disposed to underrate Grant’s success. It has cost him dearly–probably not less than fifteen thousand men, including his losses on the north side of the James; but it has also cost us dearly. We have the consolation of knowing that three of the enemy’s corps are now in precisely the position where our efficient ally, malaria, would have them. Had they gone to Maryland, and thence to the Valley, that doughty warrior, the congestive chill, could not have followed them. Heretofore every apparent success of Grant has been but the prelude to failures, each worse than the others. We do not predict that the greatest failure of all will follow the occupation of the Weldon road, but we are not at all unwilling to abide the result of the September suns and the September nights on the occupants. Consolations in plenty may be found, but the chief one of all we dare not tell, nor even indicate, lest the enemy get wind of it. But this we say sincerely, the late success of our foes is better for our cause than one of our customary incomplete victories. Time will prove the truth of our assertion.


Rather be Hung than go with the Rebels.–During the late visit of the rebels to Hagerstown, Md., they proceeded to the county jail and released therefrom Park Cramer, who was confined there for deliberately shooting Victor Wright during a quarrel between the parties about a woman kept by the latter. When the rebels left Hagerstown, they took Cramer with them, but on reaching Williamsport, he deserted them and returned to Hagerstown, where he presented himself at the jail to the county sheriff and asked to be recommitted, asserting that he would “be d----d if he would go with such a set of infernal cut throats.” Cramer was accordingly assigned to his old quarters, and in November will be tried upon the charge of murder.


Our Burden and Our Strength.

In an article last week we asked the question, can we pay the national debt? And we attempted to show by statistics which are reliable that great as our burden of debt is, the present rate of revenue will pay it all in less than five years, principal and interest.

There is another view to be taken of this matter of national debt. The government has procured the money for the carrying on of this gigantic war from its own citizens. The men of this Republic have loaned their government the sinews of war, not expecting or wishing the principal, at least for many years. The interest is paid promptly–this is all they wish; and even if the war goes on till the close of the year 1865, and the debt increases in the next sixteen months in the same ratio that it has in the past, the taxes will not be burdensome, and this generation will never suffer for the principal. It was so in the war of 1812, and it will be so in the Rebellion of 1861-4. When the war ceases, then the public debt will be gradually cancelled by the resources within our own Republic.

We do not make this statement without the figures to back us. Those who care to look at the resources of our country can find food for reflection and at the same time good ground for their faith in the ability of our country to meet its liabilities in a pamphlet published by David A. Wells, A. M., of Troy, N. Y., entitled, “Our Burden and Our Strength.” The figures given are mostly from official sources and can be relied upon.

In July 1864 our national debt was $1,750,000,000. Assuming the war to last till the close of 1865, at the same ratio of expense, our debt will then be $3,000,000,000. Assuming also the increase of population by emigration from other countries the same the coming year as the past, and the debt Jan. 1, 1866 will be to each individual only $82.35. At the present time it is less than $73. Now let us see how this debt compares even with that of other countries: March, 1863, the debt of Great Britain was $130 to each individual in the kingdom–ours, if the war closes in 1865 even will be $82. France has a debt of $60, while Holland has one of $117 to each person. This shows us, at least, that our debt is not unprecedented. But when we take into consideration our nation’s resources, this $73 per head looks insignificant indeed.

Now, what have we with which to meet our obligations?

The officially assessed value of all the real and personal property in the loyal states in 1860 was almost $11,000,000,000. Large as this valuation seems, it was, nevertheless, in the opinion of the best statisticians, considerably below a true estimate; inasmuch as real property, in actual practice is rarely valued, for census returns and for purposes of assessment, at more than two-thirds of its real value, while large amounts of personal property, from the facility with which it is concealed, escape valuation and assessment altogether. ->

If the value of property increases three-fourths as much now as it did between the years 1850-60, and it is believed it has and will increase in a greater ratio than at that period–then on the 1st of July, the value of the property of the loyal states was $15,300,000,000. Distribute equally this amount and we have to each individual $614.95. Large as these proportions may seem, apply them practically and we should not consider the case of an individual as particularly hard whose debts and liabilities were less than one-seventh of his available assets; and if not the individual then certainly not the country, restored, renewed and reinvigorated. Especially is this true when we consider that we have only the interest to pay–the paltry sum of $5.35 to each person.

A very important fact bearing upon our ability to pay this debt is the regular increase of national wealth, which is indeed one of the most wonderful facts in history. We will not now go into the minute details, but the figures show that in 1800 the property real and personal in the U. S., if equally divided, would be to each individual $202. In 1864 it was $614 to each person. Reckoning the increase of population the same for the next 30 years, and our national debt will be reduced to about $52 to each individual.3

Had we not already extended to undue length, we would be glad to follow it farther. We will however dismiss the subject of the debt and resources of our country by simply stating that the article of public lands alone, if sold at the present rate of $2 per acre, would cancel the public debt to-day and leave a handsome margin.

In view of the above facts and figures, how imbecile it is to charge that our country is bankrupt; and how faint-hearted it is to despair or even doubt the ability of our government to meet its obligations.


Peace! Peace! shout the copperheads; but the Scriptures inform us that there is no peace for the wicked. Were the rebels wicked in rebelling–wicked in making war upon the United States–wicked in bringing about the death of thousands upon thousands of their brothers–wicked in the destruction of millions of property–wicked in imposing the burdens of war upon us–and wicked in seeking the ruin of the country? If the copperheads say No, they are rebels. If they say Yes, they are very foolish in wishing for peace until the rebels have submitted.–Walton’s.



Influence of a Commander.

It is evident on reading the various accounts of the passage of the forts and the capture of the iron-clad Tennessee, that the enterprise would have failed if it had not been for the personal intrepidity of Admiral Farragut. When the Tecumseh was sunk, the fleet came to a pause directly under the fire of the fort. The Brooklyn, which was leading the van of the fleet on account of having an apparatus for removing torpedoes affixed to her bows, signalled to the Admiral, “we have lost our best monitor.” Without a moment’s hesitation, Farragut pushed his flag-ship ahead and signalled to the rest of the fleet to follow. It was done, and in a few moments the fleet was safe inside the bay and beyond the forts.

Again, when the ram Tennessee bore down with the utmost boldness to engage the whole fleet, Farragut pressed his flag-ship close upon her, and signalled all the heavy ships to follow his example in running in upon her. It was in the attack upon the ram that the fearful loss of life occurred, to such an extent that Farragut, after looking around his ship upon the bloody work, refused to see the rebel Admiral Buchanan. A letter from an officer on board the Hartford says:

“I cannot describe to you the awful nature of the carnage on our ship: men with arms and legs torn off, bodies mangled into an indistinguishable mass. And yet these gallant fellows–torn, mangled and dying–uttered no complaints; but when the news was sent below that the  forts were passed, the Tennessee and Selma prizes, they raised their shattered arms above their heads, exclaiming, ‘Thank God for our victory–we shall not die in vain.’ Such matchless bravery I never witnessed. These brave men were each a hero, whose name should be inscribed upon our flag and honored for all time. When I shook hands with the Admiral and congratulated him upon his success, the tears were standing in his eyes and was almost choked with emotion. While he thanked God for the victory, his heart was bleeding for the noble fellows who had died to insure it.”

Too many of our officers and men, when they get into an unexpectedly tight position, fail to realize that often the loss in retreat, when the work is left half done, is greater than it would be to go through and finish the job. Farragut is not one of these. A naval officer, however, has an advantage over an army officer in such emergencies. His ships, when ordered through by him, have not legs with which to turn about and run away, leaving the commander in the lurch, and the bravest of his officers and men who remain on the field, to be slaughtered or made prisoners.


Separation and Union.

The most important question before the American people, and that to which their action in November must furnish an answer, is this: Would it be possible to divide the American nation into two parts, the Free States Union and the Southern Confederacy, and the Union be able to maintain its existence? Our impression is that it would not be possible, and that separation means not merely the loss of the Southern States to the Union, but the Union’s absolute destruction. We believe that if the Southern Confederacy became established as a nation,  it would be regarded aboard as the American Nation, and that the process of dissolution would go on in the Union until there should be but a feeble fragment of it left, and that that fragment would soon be conquered by the first powerful foreign country that should think it worth being treated as the French have treated Mexico and the Spaniards Dominica. Not even New England could long maintain a political existence, tough it has more of true Union elements in it than any other “section” of the Republic. Maine would go off, as probably her material interests then would dictate her going, in the direction of British America. Connecticut would be more influenced by New York feeling than by New England sentiment. And so would it be throughout the North, the West, and the Centre of “the Union as it was.” The Northwestern States are full of vigorous life, and they are ambitious even to arrogance, already treating the East with even more unfairness than it used to receive from the South. ->

There would be a Western Republic formed that would grow at thrice the rate that would characterize the increase of an Eastern Republic, even if an Eastern Republic could be formed, and we believe that the formation of such a power would be impossible. Could a firm and solid Union be formed of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New England, there would be something to say in behalf of the possible dissolution of that Union which we owe to the patriotism and talents and labor of Washington and Franklin, Hamilton and Madison, and their associates; but we have not the slightest belief that such a Union could be made, should the rebels triumph. The villainy that marks the conduct of so many democratic leaders, and in which they are supported by so many of their followers, shows that the process of breaking up the Union would be pushed forward with resolution and swiftness, until it should have done its perfect work. These men would not permit the Free States to remain united. Their very success in breaking up the old Union because the people saw fit to elect one man President rather than another man would stimulate them to those exertions that would have their end in the rending asunder of all bonds, until no two States could be found acting together. The only Union they would favor would be one in which the Slave States should be supreme, and in which they would aspire to be the upper servants of the slavery-based aristocrats. Let us but once admit the nationality of the Confederacy, and from that hour we shall have passed under sentence of death–a sentence that would be speedily executed. We are, therefore, carrying on the war for our own preservation, quite as much as for the subjugation of the rebels, because we see that the country must consist of all or of nothing. There must be a Union of all the States, or no Union. The case does not admit of compromise. We must triumph or perish. We are contending for very existence, for the safety of our lives, for the possession of our property, for the security of our streets, and for everything that renders existence worth having. Even if we could keep together in the North, and make a treaty of peace with the Southern Confederacy, we should have no security that its terms would be observed. The manner in which the South kept its engagements when it was in the Union shows what we would have to expect from it as a nation. It would repudiate treaty engagements as easily as it repudiated political engagements. It has no idea of the sanctity of obligations of any kind, and all its obligations sit as lightly on it as did regard for a Lowland proclamation on the highland mind two centuries ago. Our war differs from almost all the great civil wars of history in one vitally important respect, namely, that upon its issue depends the continuance of the nation. When the Leaguers and Royalists of France were fighting, it mattered little which party triumphed, so far as concerned the existence of France. Whether a Guise of a Bourbon should be king, France would exist all the same. There would be a difference in policy, but none as to the unity of the kingdom. When Charles the First and the Parliament were at war, neither Cavaliers nor Roundheads thought of lessening the extent of the British nation. They contended about the manner of governing that nation, but neither party would have sacrificed an inch of its territory. Here it is different. If the rebels triumph, the Union would lose half its territory, and more than half its power, consideration, and influence, besides incurring the chance of further breaking up–a chance that would be of the nature of a certainty. Thus situated, we have nothing to hope from negotiation, but must fight on, and fight ever, if that should be found necessary. It would be cheaper to contend for twenty years than to have anarchy for half that time, and then dissolution. Peace is a blessed thing, and all desire its return; but to purchase peace at the price of utter destruction would be the wildest bargain ever made. It is a price that never will be paid, that never can be paid for.

1 Latin for “Let justice be done though the heavens fall.”

2 Belial is a Hebrew adjective  formed from the words beli- “without” and va’al “value,” commonly used to mean “a worthless man.”

3 The U.S. debt per person today is $53,201. (Source) The $614 in 1864 would be the equivalent of $9,260 today (source), making an increase of $43,941.

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